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The analysis of digital activism has so far been dominated by a techno-determinist approach which views the content of various forms of activism supported by digital communication, as directly reflecting the properties of the technologies utilised by activists and the historical evolution of such technologies. This line of interpretation has been manifested in the popularity acquired by notions as "Twitter protest" or "revolution 2.0" in the news media and in academic discourse in reference to recent protests. Moving beyond this reductionist trend, this article proposes an ideological approach to the study of digital activism and its historical transformation, which may better account for the combination of political, cultural and social factors involved in shaping it. I identity two main waves of digital activism, which correspond not only to two phases of technological development of the Internet (the so-called web 1.0 and web 2.0), but also to two different protest waves, the anti-globalisation movement, and the movement of the squares that began in 2011, each with its own dominant ideology. I argue that reflecting the seismic shift in perceptions and attitudes produced by the 2008 financial crash, and the connected shifts in social movement ideology, digital activism has moved from the margins to the centre of the political arena, from a countercultural posture to a counterhegemonic ambition. I describe this turn as a transition from cyber-autonomism to cyber-populism as the two defining techno-political orientations of the first and second wave of digital activism. Reflecting the influence of neo-anarchism and autonomism in the anti-globalisation movement cyber-autonomism viewed the Internet as an autonomous space where to construct a countercultural politics outside the mainstream. To the contrary, informed by the populist turn taken by 2011 and post-2011 movements cyber-populism approaches the Internet as a "popular space", a generic space which is populated by ordinary citizens, and mostly dedicated to non-political activities, such as gossip, celebrity culture, or interpersonal communication, but which can nevertheless be politicised, and turned towards the purpose of popular mobilisation against the neoliberal elites responsible for economic and social disarray. This shift which substantially modifies the way in which activists conceives of and utilise digital media goes a long way towards explaining the differences in digital activism practices, and their contrasting views of the Internet as a tool and site of struggle.

Le cycle électoral de l'année 2022 consolide une nouvelle fois depuis 2015 l'hégémonie des partis nationalistes dans le paysage politique insulaire. La majorité absolue obtenue par Femu a Corsica aux élections territoriales de 2021 autour du charismatique Gilles Siméoni permet à l'exécutif et à l'Assemblée de Corse de négocier désormais avec le pouvoir central, mené par le ministre de l'Intérieur Gérald Darmanin, une autonomie institutionnelle. Pourtant cet « autonomisme triomphant », soucieux de négocier un statut proche des autres grandes îles de Méditerranée occidentale, dissimule mal les profondes fragilités de cette stabilisation du système politique corse. À la veille d'être une nouvelle fois le laboratoire d'une dévolution de pouvoirs « à la française », la Corse figure parmi les périphéries les plus contestataires du territoire français où le vote en faveur du Rassemblement national et l'abstentionnisme sont particulièrement élevés. Le malaise affiché par une partie importante de la jeunesse insulaire renouvelle les cycles de violence et il traduit les doutes identitaires d'une génération confrontée à une seule alternative entre une économie de la rente publique et celle moins sécurisée de l'économie résidentielle et touristique, et de moins en moins encline à s'intégrer dans la nouvelle société française des métropoles multiculturelles.

Abstract Lying in the Baltic sea, at the entrance of the Gulf of Bothnia, 70km from the Finnish coast and 36 km from that of Sweden, the archipelago of Åland is an autonomous Finnish province. What distinguishes the archipelago is its Swedish monolingualism, autonomous government recognized by international treaties, and demilitarization. This article proposes some reflections on the concept of sovereignty in Åland in the 20th century particularly on two key elements the island's strategic position and its autonomy. After a historical overview of Åland in the 1800s, emphasizing their strategic relevance in the Baltic, I will focus on the irredentist period, in which emerged secessionist movement that called for the island's anexation to Sweden.

Defence date: 23 November 2007 ; Examining Board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome ; Prof. Marina Cattaruzza, University of Bern ; Prof. Drago Roksandić, University of Zagred ; Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI-HEC ; This thesis is made available in Open Access in October 2018 as requested and wanted by the family of the author who tragically was killed on 31 January 2015. It is his family's desire that the author's research is open and available to all. ; no abstract available

Forty years ago the current Spanish constitution was adopted marking the transition to democracy after decades of francism and introducing the basic norms and principles on which the modern regional political-administrative system of Spain was formed - what is commonly called the "state of autonomy". This project built on the basis of a consensus of general Spanish and regional political forces and recognizing the principles of solidarity and the economic equilibrium of autonomy was a promising attempt to resolve the new national-regional problems of the country. For four decades, the developing and complex organism of the "state of autonomy" has gone through several stages of formation, but has now come close to the critical moment of its development.The article attempts to give a general overview of the circumstances and main stages of the formation of Spanish autonomy system (including the perspective of its further development), some of its debatable aspects in the European context and taking into account the significance of the Spanish experience for Russia. ; Сорок лет назад была принята ныне действующая испанская конституция, ознаменовавшая переход к демократии после десятилетий франкизма, и вводившая основные нормы и принципы, на которых сформировалась современная региональная политико-административная система Испании – то, что принято называть «государством автономий». Этот проект, построенный на основе консенсуса общеиспанских и региональных политических сил, признающий принципы солидарности и экономического равновесия автономий, стал многообещающей попыткой разрешения в новых условиях национально-региональных проблем страны. Развивающийся и сложный организм «государства автономий» за четыре десятилетия пережил несколько этапов становления, но в настоящее время вплотную подошёл к критическому моменту своего развития.В статье делается попытка общего обзора обстоятельств и основных стадий формирования системы испанского автономизма (в том числе с точки зрения перспектив его дальнейшего развития), некоторых его дискуссионных аспектов в европейском контексте и с учётом значения испанского опыта для России.