Suchergebnisse

À partir d'une enquête ethnographique centrée sur l'expérience des jeunes activistes chiliens participant au processus de contestation étudiante de 2011, cet article propose une analyse de la construction morale de l'engagement radical des jeunes. À travers la pratique d'une politique radicale centrée principalement sur l'action directe violente, les jeunes construisent progressivement de nouvelles normativités sociales. Pour développer son argument, l'auteur s'appuie sur des éléments discursifs légitimateurs des pratiques, relevés dans le récit que les jeunes activistes font de leurs expériences ainsi que lors de l'observation in situ de pratiques politiques radicales.

Although Constitutionalist movements have been a constant in the history of Cuba, it curiously was the last colony in achieving independence. He present work aims to delve in the knowledge of them first movements in favour of the independence concerning the metropolis and in the study of them projects constitutional until it independence final, as well as in the treatment of them constitutions Cuban: the form in that is organizes the power political and territorial, and them rights and freedoms of the people Cuban the first Cuban Constitution until the current revolution, whose system is not addressed, since that the scope of this study lood. ; Aunque los movimientos constitucionalistas han sido una constante en la historia de Cuba, curiosamente fue la última colonia americana en alcanzar la independencia. El presente trabajo pretende ahondar en el conocimiento de los primeros movimientos en favor de la independencia respecto a la metrópoli y en el estudio de los proyectos constitucionales hasta la independencia definitiva, así como en el tratamiento de las Constituciones cubanas: la forma en que se organiza el poder político y territorial, y los derechos y libertades del pueblo cubano, desde la primera Constitución cubana hasta la revolución vigente, cuyo sistema no es afrontado, puesto que desbordaría el ámbito de este estudio.Although Constitutionalist movements have been a constant in the history of Cuba, it curiously was the last colony in achieving independence. He present work aims to delve in the knowledge of them first movements in favour of the independence concerning the metropolis and in the study of them projects constitutional until it independence final, as well as in the treatment of them constitutions Cuban: the form in that is organizes the power political and territorial, and them rights and freedoms of the people Cuban the first Cuban Constitution until the current revolution, whose system is not addressed, since that the scope of this study lood.

From a gender history perspective, the actions of the State and the Women and Feminist Movement of Uruguay are taken into account, including the weight of the regional and international conjuncture. Through the analysis of primary sources, such as the feminist press of the time, I analyzed the transformations of the interpretative framework of the Movement of Women and Feminists of Uruguay between 1984 and 1988 related to «violence against women». The investigation traced the construction process of the domestic violence category, its problematization and transformation of private matter to political/public problem that demands the action of the State; whose first milestone was the creation of the Women's Police Station, the second of its kind in all of South America. It was concluded that the creation of the Women's Police Station due to special boost women's movement and feminist in the exercise of their autonomy and synergy between a favorable international situation and the need to re-legitimization of the Uruguayan State. ; Desde una perspectiva de historia de género se aborda el accionar del Estado y del movimiento de mujeres y feminista del Uruguay teniendo en cuenta el peso de la coyuntura regional e internacional. A través del análisis de fuentes primarias, como la prensa feminista de época, analicé las transformaciones del marco interpretativo del movimiento de mujeres y feminista del Uruguay entre 1984 y 1988 relativas a la «violencia contra las mujeres». La investigación rastreó el proceso de construcción de la categoría violencia doméstica, su problematización y transformación de asunto privado a problema político/público que reclama la acción del Estado, cuyo primer mojón fue la creación de la Comisaría de la Mujer, segunda en su tipo en toda Sudamérica. Se concluyó que la creación de la Comisaría de la Mujer obedece al especial impulso del Movimiento de mujeres y feminista en el ejercicio de su autonomía y la sinergia entre una coyuntura internacional favorable y la necesidad de relegitimación del Estado uruguayo.

This paper aims to provide an analytical framework capable of critically analysing the currently hegemonic phenomenon of smart cities in the contemporary metropolis, particularly concerning their assumptions and potential effects. Using a critical perspective through the scope of Governmentality Studies and autonomist literature, our intention is to present an analytical framework that allows for the comprehension and critical analysis of the phenomenon in question. Both this theoretical review and the analytical framework will form the basis for a critical analysis of a case study in Dublin, taken as an example of the diversity of phenomena and issues to be addressed in this paper. The case study concerns a project by See.Sense, a company located in Dublin, which involved the introduction of 500 bike lights with IoT and digital technology in its urban space, this being an example of urban experimentation within smart cities. The article concludes by defending that the phenomenon in question constitutes not only a form of technological mediation and economic production, but also a transformation of urban space and its subjects and population, implying a structuring of social practices and relationships. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

В статье анализируется феномен крымского автономизма в аксиологическом измерении. Институт крымской автономии рассматриваются в кросс-исторической ретроспективе, с учетом взаимосвязи данного института с теми или иными политическими ценностями. Особый акцент делается на исследовании феномена крымского автономизма в контексте воссоединения Крыма с Россией. Делается вывод о том, что события «Крымской весны» расширили аксиологическое поле российской политики и российской истории, активизировали патриотические настроения (и шире патриотическое сознание) жителей России ; Phenomenon of Crimean autonomism in value dimension is analyzed. Institute of Crimean autonomy in cross-historical retrospective is considered, taking into account correlation of this institute with certain political values. Phenomenon of Crimean autonomism in the context of the reunification of Crimea with Russia is emphasized. The author concludes that events of the «Crimean Spring» extended axiological field of Russian politics and Russian history, stepped up patriotic sentiment (and wider patriotic consciousness) of Russian residents

This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata understood the "autonomy" between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande. ; El propósito de este trabajo es comprender el modo en que los habitantes de una ciudad subordinada del virreinato del Río de la Plata entendían y practicaban la autonomía en relación con el gobierno revolucionario con sede en Buenos Aires y con las autoridades peninsulares en tiempos de ejercicio de la soberanía de hecho. Con ese fin se reconstruye el itinerario de la representación política de San Miguel de Tucumán en la Junta Grande. Se postula que el pueblo de Tucumán entendió la autonomía atendiendo a diversas opciones que no fueron suficientemente subrayadas por la historiografía. This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the River Plate understood the 'autonomy' between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the River Plate. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande.

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in «Autonomie», which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian "operaismo". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a «ghettoized» milieu consumed by the «radicalization of its own life context». The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and «die tageszeitung», was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of «autonomy or ghetto» remained unresolved - reflecting the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay "The Long March" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a «long march through the institutions».