Medijska pristranost?: Izbori u Hrvatskoj 1990. u hrvatskom tisku = Media Bias? : the 1990 Croatian elections in the Croatian press
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 405-439
ISSN: 0590-9597
In: Časopis za suvremenu povijest: Journal of contemporary history, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 405-439
ISSN: 0590-9597
World Affairs Online
Ljudsko je lice spolno dimorfna karakteristika, a morfologija lica povezana je s različitim biološkim markerima. Prilikom percepcije lica druge osobe pojedinci stvaraju dojmove o spolu, dobi, etničkoj pripadnosti, ali i emocionalnim stanjima i osobinama ličnosti te osobe. Ovaj je proces automatski, iznimno brz i uključen je u sve situacije socijalne interakcije. Brojna istraživanja upućuju na to da ljudi imaju pristranosti prema određenim fenotipima lica prilikom donošenja odluke o tome tko bi trebao biti vođa njihove grupe, bilo da je riječ o ekonomskim ili političkim grupama. U ovom će preglednom radu biti prikazani nalazi koji iz perspektive evolucijske psihologije pokušavaju razjasniti nastanak i funkciju spomenutih pristranosti. Kao glavni teorijski okviri bit će predstavljeni: evolucijska teorija vodstva, biosocijalni model kategorizacije vođa te hipoteza evolucijske kontingencije. Nadalje, bit će opisana istraživanja koja pokazuju da ljudi preferiraju vođe s licima koja izgledaju kompetentno, ovisno o kontekstu muževno ili ženstveno, te privlačno. Na koncu, bit će prikazani određeni nedostaci istraživanja u ovom području, zajedno sa smjernicama za buduća istraživanja. ; Human face is a sexually dimorphic trait, and its morphology is related to various biological markers. During face perception, people make several inferences about others, such as sex, age, ethnicity, emotional state or personality traits. This process is automatic and rapid, and is included in all forms of social interactions. Some studies indicate that people have certain biases towards specific facial phenotypes during decision-making about who is the best candidate to be a group leader in an economic or political context. In this review paper, origins and functions of aforementioned biases will be discussed from an evolutionary psychological perspective. Evolutionary leadership theory, biosocial leadership categorization model and evolutionarycontingency hypothesis will be presented as the main theoretical frameworks in the field. Moreover, findings regarding bias towards perceived facial competence, masculinity-femininity and attractiveness will be described. Lastly, some limitations in the field will be addressed, together with the recommendations for future studies.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 133-151
The first part of the article is a review of contemporary comparative politics research in Qennany. The conclusion of the first part is that serious attempts to-overcome the structural weaknesses of this political science sub discipline are made only from the 1990's on. The biggest credit for it goes to the research on political & social transformation that has also contributed substantially to the development of regional comparative studies. In the second part, the author shows both the structural weaknesses & the new positive developments by reviewing five recently published comparative studies. The most important among the weaknesses is the "lockedness" into the traditional framework of studying systems of government, as well as a lack of methodological consciousness, theoretical eclecticism, strong descriptive normativism & a bias in the selection of study cases. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 19-26
ISSN: 1332-4756
Autorica se bavi stanjem komparativne politike, a posljedično i političke znanosti uopće, u Hrvatskoj četvrt stoljeća nakon početka političke transformacije. Glavne uzroke njihova nezavidna statusa u međunarodnoj politološkoj zajednici vidi u selekcijskoj pristranosti u komparativnim istraživanjima i podrazvijenosti discipline. U prvom dijelu teksta općenito razmatra problem selekcijske pristranosti kao jedne od najčešćih i najpogubnijih grešaka u komparativnim istraživanjima. Prirodna pristranost očituje se u odabiru samo poznatih i dostupnih slučajeva, a neprirodna u "odabiru koji se provodi na ovisnoj varijabli", to jest u izboru samo onih slučajeva koji potvrđuju polazne hipoteze i isključivanju onih koji ih dovode u pitanje ili ih opovrgavaju. U drugom dijelu autorica ilustrira selekcijsku pristranost u transformacijskim istraživanjima i regionalnoj komparatistici na primjeru Hrvatske. Uzroke prirodne pristranosti vidi u tome što strani komparatisti ne poznaju jezik, povijest i politiku zemlje. Ona je umnogome posljedica large-nation biasa, to jest usredotočenosti istraživača na velike i moćne zemlje, i historiografskog biasa, to jest njihova oslanjanja na selektivne historiografske izvore podataka. Neprirodna pristranost izraz je metodoloških problema u dizajniranju komparativnih istraživanja, najčešće neopravdanog precjenjivanja jednih, a podcjenjivanja drugih varijabli, što znatno utječe na rezultate istraživanja. Naposljetku se osvrće na uzroke podrazvijenosti komparativne politike u Hrvatskoj. ; The author deals with the state of comparative politics in Croatia, and the state of political science more generally, a quarter of a century after the beginning of political transformation. Selective bias in comparative research and underdevelopment of the discipline are diagnosed as the main causes of its unimpressive status in the International community of political scientists. The first part of the article discusses in more general terms the problem of selective bias as one of the most widespread, but also most dangerous mistakes in comparative research. Natural bias is reflected in the choice of only known and available cases, while unnatural bias involves choice only of the cases that confirm the starting hypotheses and exclude those that question or repudiate the hypotheses. In the second part, the author illustrates the selective bias in research of political transformation and regional comparative politics using Croatia as an example. The main cause of natural bias has to do with the fact that many comparativists are unfamiliar with the language, history and politics of the country. This is largely due to large-nation bias and Reliance on selective historical data. Unnatural bias reflects methodological problems in designing research in comparative politics, most often in emphasizing one set of variables at the expense of another, which affects the results of research. In the concluding part, the article deals with the causes of underdevelopment of comparative politics in Croatia.
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In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 163-186
ISSN: 1845-6707
Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration. ; Apart from relations with its neighbours, Croatia's relations with the United Kingdom (UK) were undoubtedly its greatest international challenge since it won its independence in the early 1990s. Relations between the two countries during this period were frequently strained partly due to Zagreb's democratic shortcomings, but partly also due to competing visions of post-Cold War Southeast Europe and due to long-lasting biases rooted in Croatia's and Britain's conflicting policies during Yugoslavia's breakup and wars. Croatia's accession to the EU in 2013 offered an opportunity for the two countries to leave the burdens of their past behind, since Zagreb and London had similar preferences on a number of crucial EU policy fronts. However, Brexit changed everything. Croatia's future relations with the UK are likely to be determined by the nature of Brexit negotiations and the evolution of British policy toward the pace and direction of EU integration.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 20-41
This article's goals are twofold: to demonstrate the fallacy of Popper's depiction of the Athenian democracy in the 5th century BC, especially of its longtime leader Pericles; & to defend Thucydides from Popper's completely unfounded allegations of bias. In line with his vision of an eternal struggle against totalitarianism, Popper attempts to counterbalance totalitarian attitudes whose roots he finds in Plato by expressing the then positive values. He offsets Pericles to Plato, & the Athenian democracy to Plato's idea of the state inspired by Sparta. Popper first finds an enemy & only then constructs the "open society." Democracy in Athens, which Popper advances as a prototype of the open society, in practice, had very little in common with that concept. However, everything that cannot be incorporated into his concept, Popper simply ignores, distorts, & changes. The author dissects Popper's account of the Athenian democracy, & dwells on Pericles's famous funeral oration. He describes how Popper devised the term "open society" by taking Pericles's words out of context, not even shying from using an (altogether) faulty translation of Thucydides. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 20-41
This article's goals are twofold: to demonstrate the fallacy of Popper's depiction of the Athenian democracy in the 5th century BC, especially of its longtime leader Pericles; & to defend Thucydides from Popper's completely unfounded allegations of bias. In line with his vision of an eternal struggle against totalitarianism, Popper attempts to counterbalance totalitarian attitudes whose roots he finds in Plato by expressing the then positive values. He offsets Pericles to Plato, & the Athenian democracy to Plato's idea of the state inspired by Sparta. Popper first finds an enemy & only then constructs the "open society." Democracy in Athens, which Popper advances as a prototype of the open society, in practice, had very little in common with that concept. However, everything that cannot be incorporated into his concept, Popper simply ignores, distorts, & changes. The author dissects Popper's account of the Athenian democracy, & dwells on Pericles's famous funeral oration. He describes how Popper devised the term "open society" by taking Pericles's words out of context, not even shying from using an (altogether) faulty translation of Thucydides. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 28-37
The aim of this article, through an analysis of Veljko Vujacic's text & other pamphlets & manifestos by the Serbian political elite, was to show that the Serbian elite & the Serbian society have not got rid of their nationalist bias in explaining the events that led to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. They claim that the main culprit for this failure was the communist national policy & the failure to use adequate means (meaning Rankovie's technology of violence) in order to preserve the unity of the state. The second part of the article serves to demonstrate how Weber's view on the politics of power does not suffice to explain away the bolshevist & the communist form of the populist Serbian nationalism. The moment when the former Yugoslav political elite split into the anticommunist & anticentralist on the one hand, & the bolshevist & the centralist on the other, there was no possibility for a compromise. The third part suggests that Vujacic (& not only he) thinks that a way of overcoming the Serbian "dominant" nationalism is the catharsis of Serbian intellectuals & the Serbian society. However, as the latest events & proclamations of the Serbian elite show, his is a solitary case. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 28-37
The aim of this article, through an analysis of Veljko Vujacic's text & other pamphlets & manifestos by the Serbian political elite, was to show that the Serbian elite & the Serbian society have not got rid of their nationalist bias in explaining the events that led to the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. They claim that the main culprit for this failure was the communist national policy & the failure to use adequate means (meaning Rankovie's technology of violence) in order to preserve the unity of the state. The second part of the article serves to demonstrate how Weber's view on the politics of power does not suffice to explain away the bolshevist & the communist form of the populist Serbian nationalism. The moment when the former Yugoslav political elite split into the anticommunist & anticentralist on the one hand, & the bolshevist & the centralist on the other, there was no possibility for a compromise. The third part suggests that Vujacic (& not only he) thinks that a way of overcoming the Serbian "dominant" nationalism is the catharsis of Serbian intellectuals & the Serbian society. However, as the latest events & proclamations of the Serbian elite show, his is a solitary case. Adapted from the source document.
Etička je obveza liječnika da budu upoznati s trenutnim dostignućima. Stručne medicinske udruge. poput Europskog kardiološkog društva (ESC), podupiru te vrste obveze. Troškovi stalnog medicinskog usavršavanja (SMU) u Europi su nedovoljno pokriveni od vlade i poslodavaca, ali ipak se stučne udruge kritiziraju zbog primanja alternativne financijske potpore od strane industrije. Medicinska edeukacija i osposobljavanje u području istraživanja uključuje obuku procjene kvalitete i pouzdanosti bilo koje informacije. Postoje realne opasnosti neobjektivne pristranosti kod bilo kojeg oblika znanstvene komunikacije uključujući intelektualnu, stručnu i financijsku, i izrazito je važno da se to uoči i razotkrije. Neophodna je bliska suradnja bazičnih i kliničkih istraživača iz akademskih institucija s jedne strane, te s druge strane s inženjerima i znanstvenicima istraživačkih odjela za medicinske uređaje i farmaceutskih tvrtki. Ona je ključna za razvoj novih dijagnostičkih metoda i postupaka. Promidžba industrijskih inovacija može ubrzati njihovu primjenu u kliničkoj praksi. Sveučilišta, u ovom trenutku, često potiču svoje akademsko osoblje na zaštitu svog intelektualnog vlasništva ili na komercijalizaciju svojih istraživanja, što samo po sebi ne predstavlja komercijalnu aktivnost niti predstavlja veze koje su postale meta kritika. Pod kritikom je uočeni utjecaj komercijalnih tvrtki na donošenje kliničkih odluka ili na poruke koje prenose stručne zdravstvene organizacije. Ovaj dokument donosi stav ESC o aktualnoj raspravi te savjetuje kako smanjiti komercijalni utjecaj u znanstvenoj komunikaciji i na SMU te kako osigurati odgovarajuće etičke standarde i transparentnost u odnosima između medicinske struke i industrije. ; Physicians have an ethical duty to keep up-to-date with current knowledge. Professional medical associations such as the European Society of Cardiology (ESC) support these obligations. In Europe, the costs of continuing medical education (CME) are insufficiently supported from governments and employers; however, medical associations have been criticized for accepting alternative financial support from industry. Medical education and training in research include learning how to assess the quality and reliability of any information. There is some risk of bias in any form of scientific communication including intellectual, professional, and financial and it is essential that in particular, the latter must be acknowledged by full disclosure. It is essential that there is strong collaboration between basic and clinical researchers from academic institutions on the one hand, with engineers and scientists from the research divisions of device and pharmaceutical companies on the other. This is vital so that new diagnostic methods and treatments are developed. Promotion of advances by industry may accelerate their implementation into clinical practice. Universities now frequently exhort their academic staff to protect their intellectual property or commercialize their research. Thus, it is not commercial activity or links per se that have become the target for criticism but the perceived influence of commercial enterprises on clinical decision-making or on messages conveyed by professional medical organizations. This document offers the perspective of the ESC on the current debate, and it recommends how to minimize bias in scientific communications and CME and how to ensure proper ethical standards and transparency in relations between the medical profession and industry.
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Cilj je rada istražiti što su osnovni kriteriji pri odabiru sugovornika u TV prilozima o bosanskohercegovačkome postizbornom procesu u središnjim informativnim emisijama javnih RTV servisa u BiH. S obzirom na jasna pravila o zastupljenosti kandidata i stranaka tijekom izborne kampanje, mediji nakon izbora imaju znatno veću slobodu u načinu obrade informacija i tema, stoga je u ovome radu izabrano to razdoblje. Osim toga, u BiH kao složenoj državi s kompliciranim izbornim sustavom i zbog izbora izaslanika u domove naroda, a koji se odvijaju nakon izbora, postizborni proces ima značajniju ulogu u konstituiranju vlasti u odnosu na druge europske države. Zato je važno istražiti kako mediji izvještavaju o tome. U prvome dijelu rada iznosi se teorijski okvir u vezi s podjednakim tretmanom osoba. Upravo su tu mogući brojni oblici pristranosti, a sugovornici čiji su stavovi sinkronizirani s redakcijskom politikom nazivaju se "oportuni svjedoci". Drugi dio rada odnosi se na raspravu o rezultatima istraživanja apsolutne i relativne zastupljenosti sugovornika glede stranačke ili institucionalne pripadnosti; zastupljenosti analitičara te njihova neutralnoga stava ili pak preferiranja stranačkih politika te načina provedbe pravila druge strane u TV prilozima o postizbornom procesu. Uzorak su središnje informativne emisije dnevnik na trima javnim radiotelevizijskim servisima u BiH: BHRT, RTVFBiH i RTRS u razdoblju od 8. listopada do 8. studenoga 2018. g. Rezultati će pokazati stupanj (ne)pristranosti pri odabiru sugovornika u programima javnih RTV servisa. ; This paper aims to explore the basic criteria for selection of interlocutors in TV news packages on Bosnia and Herzegovina's post-election process in the central information programs of public broadcasting services in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having clear rules on the representation of candidates and parties during the election campaign, after the elections, media have more freedom in the way of processing the information and topics. Therefore, this period is chosen for the analysis. Besides, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a complex state with a complicated electoral system. The delegates for House of Peoples are elected after the election. Therefore, the post-election process has a more significant role in authority constitution than in other European countries and it is important to research the media reports on this process. The first part of the paper presents the theoretical framework related to the equal treatment of people. There is a possibility for many forms of bias, and interlocutors whose attitudes are synchronized with the editorial policy are called "opportunistic witnesses". The second part of the paper deals with the discussion on the research results. The results refer to the absolute and relative representation of the interlocutors' party or institutional affiliation; the representation of analysts and their positions. They can be neutral or prefer certain party policies. Also, it is about the means of implementing the rules of the other side in the TV news packages on the post-election process. The central news program Dnevnik in three different public broadcasting services in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BHRT, RTVFBiH and RTVRS) is taken as a sample in the period from the October 8 to November 8, 2018. The results show the degree of bias in the selection of interlocutors in public broadcasting service programs.
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Ravnopravnost spolova središnja je tema u čitavome svijetu, pa tako i EU-u, gdje predstavlja jednu od temeljnih vrijednosti koju se nastoji integrirati u sve politike Europske unije, ali i programe financiranja EU-a. Analizirajući istraživanja o ravnopravnosti spolova na institucijama visokoga obrazovanja statistike idu u prilog činjenici da te institucije reproduciraju društvene vrijednosti koje dovode do spolne, rodne pristranosti, odnosno diskriminacije. Statistike pokazuju da postoji vidna razlika u tipičnim karijernim profilima za žene i muškarce, odnosno u odabiru znanstvenih područja. Razvidna je horizontalna segregacija, koja nimalo ne zaostaje za onom drugom, vertikalnom segregacijom koja upućuje na to da je top menadžment, ali i uspješniji karijerni put u visokoobrazovnim institucijama uglavnom rezerviran za muškarce. Ne zanemarujući činjenicu da je dostizanje ravnopravnosti spolova u visokome obrazovanju ipak dugoročni projekt koji bi trebao biti rezultat ne samo sveučilišnih politika, nego i institucionalnih vladinih mjera i politika, ovim se radom konstruktivno promišlja i aktualizira tema za buduća istraživanja, s provedenim istraživanjem na jedanaest ustrojbenih jedinica Sveučilišta u Mostaru. ; Gender equality is a central theme throughout the world, including the EU, in which it represents one of the core values that should be integrated into all EU policies, as well as EU funding programs. Analysing research on gender equality in higher education institutions, statistics support the fact that these institutions reproduce social values that lead to gender, gender bias, or discrimination. Statistics show that there is a visible difference in typical career profiles for women and men, e.g. in the selection of scientific fields. Horizontal segregation is evident, not far behind the other, vertical segregation, which indicates that top management, but also a more successful career path in higher education institutions, is largely reserved for men. In spite of the fact that the achievement of gender equality in higher education is nevertheless a long-term project that should be the result not only of university policies but also of institutional government measures and policies, this paper constructively deliberates and updates the topic for future research, with research conducted on eleven organizational units of the University of Mostar.
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Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća. ; In recent years, the International Relations theoretical literature has made significant progress in expanding and refining the typology of revisionist states – states that seek to redistribute power in the international system and/or change the normative order. At the same time, little attention is paid to the notion of the status quo state, which denotes a state that strives to retain power and preserve the status quo. The category of status quo states is mainly reduced to either status quo bias referring to the states that have an aversion to risk in foreign policy decisions and do not actively participate in international politics or to the states that seek to survive in the anarchic system. At the same time, the literature overlooks the key aspect of the opposing categories: the conflict between the revisionist state and the status quo state. Namely, open rivalry with the revisionist state and aggressive resistance to change is regularly labeled as another form of revisionism. This paper shows that the category of the status quo state is not accidentally in the IR theoretical "blind spot". The reason for this is that the condition of its possibility – a consensual international legal order – is not present in modern circumstances. Historical experience shows that in certain and very rare conditions of a consensual international legal order, states with aggressive motives and often offensive means can be categorized as status quo states. It will be shown that in the modern age only two relatively short-lived international orders made the status quo possible: the European Westphalian system of balance of powers in the 18th century and the Cold War détente in the second half of the 20th century.
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