Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.
Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.
Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible– that "to every one who has will more be given" – this article starts with observation that weaker parties can and do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old and answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power – one of the most complex and difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualise it.
According to the latest research of the names of the dukes of Tartar origins in Lithuania it is evident that their names have been formed in five different ways: 1) by adding suffix -owicz to the name taken from the Bible, 2) by adding it to a Slavic or a Byzantian name, 3) by adding the suffix to the tribal Tartar nickname, 4) by taking the local place name, 5) by taking a Lithuanian spouse's name. Also their names show the exact time of their colonization in Lithuania and the reasons of their arrival. In this research facts that are not revealed in modern science are being analyzed. These facts mostly are kept silent because of prejudice, and thus the author states that in researches of history, philology and culture, so called 'politics of history' is being used. In this article the harm for the researches of Lithuanian Tartar culture and history is being shown. Tartar people in Lithuania settled already in the 14th century, and the reason for that was an escape from the Uzbek kings of the Golden Horde. Another statement is that Tartar dukes, who had a right to call themselves dukes, were originally from Mongolian emperor's Jesiugej Baatur's family, and this right and title were approved in Lithuanian and Polish parliaments; those titles have never been doubted. Also it is stated, that the religion of the first Tartar colonists was probably shamanistic beliefs, and later – Christian faith. The article is based on a deep analysis of historical, cultural, philological and literature sources. A conclusion suggests that scientists of the above- mentioned areas should more precisely research the names of the dukes of Tartar origin, as well as their input into Lithuanian culture and history.
According to the latest research of the names of the dukes of Tartar origins in Lithuania it is evident that their names have been formed in five different ways: 1) by adding suffix -owicz to the name taken from the Bible, 2) by adding it to a Slavic or a Byzantian name, 3) by adding the suffix to the tribal Tartar nickname, 4) by taking the local place name, 5) by taking a Lithuanian spouse's name. Also their names show the exact time of their colonization in Lithuania and the reasons of their arrival. In this research facts that are not revealed in modern science are being analyzed. These facts mostly are kept silent because of prejudice, and thus the author states that in researches of history, philology and culture, so called 'politics of history' is being used. In this article the harm for the researches of Lithuanian Tartar culture and history is being shown. Tartar people in Lithuania settled already in the 14th century, and the reason for that was an escape from the Uzbek kings of the Golden Horde. Another statement is that Tartar dukes, who had a right to call themselves dukes, were originally from Mongolian emperor's Jesiugej Baatur's family, and this right and title were approved in Lithuanian and Polish parliaments; those titles have never been doubted. Also it is stated, that the religion of the first Tartar colonists was probably shamanistic beliefs, and later – Christian faith. The article is based on a deep analysis of historical, cultural, philological and literature sources. A conclusion suggests that scientists of the above- mentioned areas should more precisely research the names of the dukes of Tartar origin, as well as their input into Lithuanian culture and history.
According to the latest research of the names of the dukes of Tartar origins in Lithuania it is evident that their names have been formed in five different ways: 1) by adding suffix -owicz to the name taken from the Bible, 2) by adding it to a Slavic or a Byzantian name, 3) by adding the suffix to the tribal Tartar nickname, 4) by taking the local place name, 5) by taking a Lithuanian spouse's name. Also their names show the exact time of their colonization in Lithuania and the reasons of their arrival. In this research facts that are not revealed in modern science are being analyzed. These facts mostly are kept silent because of prejudice, and thus the author states that in researches of history, philology and culture, so called 'politics of history' is being used. In this article the harm for the researches of Lithuanian Tartar culture and history is being shown. Tartar people in Lithuania settled already in the 14th century, and the reason for that was an escape from the Uzbek kings of the Golden Horde. Another statement is that Tartar dukes, who had a right to call themselves dukes, were originally from Mongolian emperor's Jesiugej Baatur's family, and this right and title were approved in Lithuanian and Polish parliaments; those titles have never been doubted. Also it is stated, that the religion of the first Tartar colonists was probably shamanistic beliefs, and later – Christian faith. The article is based on a deep analysis of historical, cultural, philological and literature sources. A conclusion suggests that scientists of the above- mentioned areas should more precisely research the names of the dukes of Tartar origin, as well as their input into Lithuanian culture and history.
Lithuanian folk paintings periods during their existence from 17th to 19th and from the second half of the 20th to 21st centuries were isolated and no one has ever tried to compare them. 17th – 19th centuries Lithuanian folk painting defines the phenomenon of everyday life and religion. Both these areas of peasant life, were connected. What is more, it means that they used to influence each other. Holy image was interpreted not only as an aesthetic-based religious object, but also as a liaison between the material and the spiritual world. Periphery church interior used to be decorated with folk art paintings of instructed unprofessional artists, who have had reiterated church paintings. These images became the basis of self-taught artists works Both instructed unprofesionals and self-taught masters painted in strict accordance with the rules of Christian iconography: the saints were recognizable from their characteristic attributes. There were no space for artists imagination. In the beggining of the 20th century folk painting tradition disappeared because of industrial prints. They were "beautiful" and cheep. Folk painting returned in the second half of 20th century. Because of the political situation (the second Soviet occupation of Lithuania had lasted from 1944 to 1990) in the public domain folk paintings have evolved only in conformistic genres: landscape, portrait, genre paintings, or ideological images. Sacral folk painting mostly unfolded in a private space, so they are some kind of secret for the folk art historians. However, it was a living phenomenon which, possibly, was a serious threat to the Soviet system. After the restoration of the Independence religious folk painting scenes return slowly. Moreover, there are no so much folk painters who would normaly depict these themes. Compare to the traditional folk paintings, contemporary folk painting is much more altered. In many cases, created images and scenes were based on a traditional Christian iconography, or the Bible, but there are several ...
Not only in the past times, but even nowadays people treat God in the Old Testament as cruel and strict, just and demanding Lord, perfect omnipotent Absolute who is never kind and merciful. The latter attributes are ascribed to Jesus Christ. So, there is an impression that G od the Father and G od the Son are two different "gods" with totally different attributes and features. The mercy of G od is one of the essential truths in Judaism and Christianity coming from the divine Revelation. Divine mercy is not only a feeling or an abstraction but a concrete G od's feature revealing itself in the course of all the salvation history, starting with the creation and fulfilling itself in the resurrection of Jesus Christ as the act of salvation of mankind. The entire Bible is full of events witnessing G od's sensitivity, kindness, patience, understanding and mercy. According to some authors, even G od's name "El" is closely connected with mercy. In the Old T estament there is no expression of "merciful love", but G od's mercy is expressed in terms describing G od's patience, kindness and forgiveness. T erms most often used to describe God's mercy are: hesed, emet, rehamim. God's mercy in the Old T estament can be described according to the following levels: • Mercy to a concrete person: Cain, Lotus, David, Jonah etc. • Legislation as the form of G od's mercy • Mercy to the chosen nation showed by two major events: exodus from Egypt, when G od showed mercy answering the sufferings of the chosen nation and led it from slavery to the promised land; and in the book of Prophet Isaiah, where G od showed mercy to his people in the Babylonian exile. • Mercy to different nations and believers. It is showed in G od's behaviour with the people of N ineveh, the pagan capital, where He sends the prophet Jonah to urge the people of Nineveh to repent. [.]
Not only in the past times, but even nowadays people treat God in the Old Testament as cruel and strict, just and demanding Lord, perfect omnipotent Absolute who is never kind and merciful. The latter attributes are ascribed to Jesus Christ. So, there is an impression that G od the Father and G od the Son are two different "gods" with totally different attributes and features. The mercy of G od is one of the essential truths in Judaism and Christianity coming from the divine Revelation. Divine mercy is not only a feeling or an abstraction but a concrete G od's feature revealing itself in the course of all the salvation history, starting with the creation and fulfilling itself in the resurrection of Jesus Christ as the act of salvation of mankind. The entire Bible is full of events witnessing G od's sensitivity, kindness, patience, understanding and mercy. According to some authors, even G od's name "El" is closely connected with mercy. In the Old T estament there is no expression of "merciful love", but G od's mercy is expressed in terms describing G od's patience, kindness and forgiveness. T erms most often used to describe God's mercy are: hesed, emet, rehamim. God's mercy in the Old T estament can be described according to the following levels: • Mercy to a concrete person: Cain, Lotus, David, Jonah etc. • Legislation as the form of G od's mercy • Mercy to the chosen nation showed by two major events: exodus from Egypt, when G od showed mercy answering the sufferings of the chosen nation and led it from slavery to the promised land; and in the book of Prophet Isaiah, where G od showed mercy to his people in the Babylonian exile. • Mercy to different nations and believers. It is showed in G od's behaviour with the people of N ineveh, the pagan capital, where He sends the prophet Jonah to urge the people of Nineveh to repent. [.]
Not only in the past times, but even nowadays people treat God in the Old Testament as cruel and strict, just and demanding Lord, perfect omnipotent Absolute who is never kind and merciful. The latter attributes are ascribed to Jesus Christ. So, there is an impression that G od the Father and G od the Son are two different "gods" with totally different attributes and features. The mercy of G od is one of the essential truths in Judaism and Christianity coming from the divine Revelation. Divine mercy is not only a feeling or an abstraction but a concrete G od's feature revealing itself in the course of all the salvation history, starting with the creation and fulfilling itself in the resurrection of Jesus Christ as the act of salvation of mankind. The entire Bible is full of events witnessing G od's sensitivity, kindness, patience, understanding and mercy. According to some authors, even G od's name "El" is closely connected with mercy. In the Old T estament there is no expression of "merciful love", but G od's mercy is expressed in terms describing G od's patience, kindness and forgiveness. T erms most often used to describe God's mercy are: hesed, emet, rehamim. God's mercy in the Old T estament can be described according to the following levels: • Mercy to a concrete person: Cain, Lotus, David, Jonah etc. • Legislation as the form of G od's mercy • Mercy to the chosen nation showed by two major events: exodus from Egypt, when G od showed mercy answering the sufferings of the chosen nation and led it from slavery to the promised land; and in the book of Prophet Isaiah, where G od showed mercy to his people in the Babylonian exile. • Mercy to different nations and believers. It is showed in G od's behaviour with the people of N ineveh, the pagan capital, where He sends the prophet Jonah to urge the people of Nineveh to repent. [.]
Lithuanian folk paintings periods during their existence from 17th to 19th and from the second half of the 20th to 21st centuries were isolated and no one has ever tried to compare them. 17th – 19th centuries Lithuanian folk painting defines the phenomenon of everyday life and religion. Both these areas of peasant life, were connected. What is more, it means that they used to influence each other. Holy image was interpreted not only as an aesthetic-based religious object, but also as a liaison between the material and the spiritual world. Periphery church interior used to be decorated with folk art paintings of instructed unprofessional artists, who have had reiterated church paintings. These images became the basis of self-taught artists works Both instructed unprofesionals and self-taught masters painted in strict accordance with the rules of Christian iconography: the saints were recognizable from their characteristic attributes. There were no space for artists imagination. In the beggining of the 20th century folk painting tradition disappeared because of industrial prints. They were "beautiful" and cheep. Folk painting returned in the second half of 20th century. Because of the political situation (the second Soviet occupation of Lithuania had lasted from 1944 to 1990) in the public domain folk paintings have evolved only in conformistic genres: landscape, portrait, genre paintings, or ideological images. Sacral folk painting mostly unfolded in a private space, so they are some kind of secret for the folk art historians. However, it was a living phenomenon which, possibly, was a serious threat to the Soviet system. After the restoration of the Independence religious folk painting scenes return slowly. Moreover, there are no so much folk painters who would normaly depict these themes. Compare to the traditional folk paintings, contemporary folk painting is much more altered. In many cases, created images and scenes were based on a traditional Christian iconography, or the Bible, but there are several exceptions when a religious scene or a saint through the prism of folk artists imagination is depicted in a new way, folk artist creates "new" attributes or compositions. To begin with 20th century second half and the 21st century sacred folk painting acquires the contours of a new phenomenon, as many old specific religious folk painting features arising from the relationship between spirituality and art concepts can't be restored.
Lithuanian folk paintings periods during their existence from 17th to 19th and from the second half of the 20th to 21st centuries were isolated and no one has ever tried to compare them. 17th – 19th centuries Lithuanian folk painting defines the phenomenon of everyday life and religion. Both these areas of peasant life, were connected. What is more, it means that they used to influence each other. Holy image was interpreted not only as an aesthetic-based religious object, but also as a liaison between the material and the spiritual world. Periphery church interior used to be decorated with folk art paintings of instructed unprofessional artists, who have had reiterated church paintings. These images became the basis of self-taught artists works Both instructed unprofesionals and self-taught masters painted in strict accordance with the rules of Christian iconography: the saints were recognizable from their characteristic attributes. There were no space for artists imagination. In the beggining of the 20th century folk painting tradition disappeared because of industrial prints. They were "beautiful" and cheep. Folk painting returned in the second half of 20th century. Because of the political situation (the second Soviet occupation of Lithuania had lasted from 1944 to 1990) in the public domain folk paintings have evolved only in conformistic genres: landscape, portrait, genre paintings, or ideological images. Sacral folk painting mostly unfolded in a private space, so they are some kind of secret for the folk art historians. However, it was a living phenomenon which, possibly, was a serious threat to the Soviet system. After the restoration of the Independence religious folk painting scenes return slowly. Moreover, there are no so much folk painters who would normaly depict these themes. Compare to the traditional folk paintings, contemporary folk painting is much more altered. In many cases, created images and scenes were based on a traditional Christian iconography, or the Bible, but there are several exceptions when a religious scene or a saint through the prism of folk artists imagination is depicted in a new way, folk artist creates "new" attributes or compositions. To begin with 20th century second half and the 21st century sacred folk painting acquires the contours of a new phenomenon, as many old specific religious folk painting features arising from the relationship between spirituality and art concepts can't be restored.
Regardless of the popular wisdom to make predictions in negotiations as if they always reflect the right according to the Bible -- that "to every one who has will more be given" -- this article starts with observation that weaker parties can & do sometimes successfully negotiate with stronger parties. Naturally this provokes questions: "Why can weak parties successfully negotiate with the stronger parties in asymmetric negotiations? How to explain this structural paradox?". The article argues that these questions would be old & answered if not for the long lasting tendency in the international relations discipline to analyze international negotiations from the point of view of the traditional power understanding, as well as systemic international relations theories. On another hand, difficulties objectively arise due to the fact that analysis of the structural paradox is connected to the problem of power -- one of the most complex & difficult to define categories of the social science. And although much has been done recently in the social science to improve our understanding of the concept of power, it is still unclear what is the best way to conceptualize it. Detaching the notion of power from resources, in this article power is associated to the structure of negotiation, comprising of number of parties, interests, resisting points & possible zone of agreements, thus leaving the concept of power open to much more detail & accurate analysis. Having said that the structural analysis does not renounce the importance of resources all in all since every negotiation begins with a certain distribution of actor characteristics that are given. However, important are only the issue related characteristics. Moreover, as the structural model of analysis demonstrates, power is not a constant. The structural characteristics can be "photographed" at the beginning but may change during the process. In addition, the structure may be manipulated that in turn indicates that power is also a matter of perception. Perception mediates objective negotiating structure, although reality imposes certain limits on the implication of perceptions. The structural model of analysis permits to make the following propositions about power. The lower value that a party to a negotiation assigns to its resistance point, the less power it will have, because: The more it will perceive a negotiated agreement primary in terms of the gains it offers over the non-agreement alternative as well as other factors that shape the resistance point; The more risk averse it will be to achieve those gains; The more willing it will be to make concessions. Conversely, the higher value that a party to a negotiation assigns to its resistance point, the more power it will have, because: The more it will perceive a negotiated agreement primary in terms of the loss it entails as compared to the non-agreement alternative and other factors that shape the resistance point; The more risk seeking it will be to avoid those losses; The more it will be to withhold concessions. Adapted from the source document.
