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The aim of this article is, on the one hand, to show Franz Joseph Gall as an important figure for setting up the ideological framework for modern biopolitics and, on the other, to look at the literary traces of his personal engagement in this endeavour. In the first part, we place his thought in the ideological context of the 18th and 19th century; the second one analyses the images of the patients created by the author, in order to show their different configurations: while some appear as reduced to the role of homo sacer (Giorgio Agamben's term), others are inscribed in a dignifying discourse. We look at the political implications of this situation. ; The aim of this article is, on the one hand, to show Franz Joseph Gall as an important figure for setting up the ideological framework for modern biopolitics and, on the other, to look at the literary traces of his personal engagement in this endeavour. In the first part, we place his thought in the ideological context of the 18th and 19th century; the second one analyses the images of the patients created by the author, in order to show their different configurations: while some appear as reduced to the role of homo sacer (Giorgio Agamben's term), others are inscribed in a dignifying discourse. We look at the political implications of this situation.

ISO standards belong to the field of soft law and are binding as voluntary standards. The article proposes a political sociology for their construction and implementation. It is therefore necessary to identify the regulatory plasticity of ISO standards: these texts, which are incorporated in a continuum of legislation, allow for multiple catches and broad interpretations. Their drafting format continues to work on this normative lability. Following the crowd path of biopolitics and the potential for pragmatic sociology that is attentive to information formats, the article concludes on the dual political ownership of ISO standards: both an attempt to cover all social practices and a rather loose power of constraint, precisely because of the extensive wrapping targeted. ; International audience ; ISO standards belong to the field of soft law and are binding as voluntary standards. The article proposes a political sociology for their construction and implementation. It is therefore necessary to identify the regulatory plasticity of ISO standards: these texts, which are incorporated in a continuum of legislation, allow for multiple catches and broad interpretations. Their drafting format continues to work on this normative lability. Following the crowd path of biopolitics and the potential for pragmatic sociology that is attentive to information formats, the article concludes on the dual political ownership of ISO standards: both an attempt to cover all social practices and a rather loose power of constraint, precisely because of the extensive wrapping targeted. ; Les normes ISO appartiennent au domaine de la soft law et s'imposent comme des normes d'application volontaire. L'article propose une sociologie politique de leur construction et de leur mise en pratique. Il s'agit donc de cerner la plasticité réglementaire des normes ISO : inscrits dans un continuum normatif, ces textes permettent des prises multiples et des acceptions larges. Leur format de rédaction travaille continûment cette labilité normative. En ...

Critical Review of L. Murard and P. Zylberman, Hygiene in the Republic (Fayard, 1996) and J.-B. Wojciechowski, Mental Hygiene and Social Hygiene (L'Harmattan, 1997).Hygiene in the Republic is a major contribution to the history of medicine and public health policies in France between 1870 and 1914. 1870 is the year of a military deroute for France, but the Franco-Prussian war will also be punished, according to the authors, by a health defeat. For Murard and Zylberman, it is impossible to attribute this difference to scientific delay because the French hygienist movement is theoretically very similar to that of its neighbours. French doctors did not, moreover, draw the government's attention to the health of the population. Their interest in this health police dates back to the end of the eighteenth century and led to the formation in the first half of the nineteenth part of the nineteenth time of a first 'hygienic party', which in 1848 saw the creation of the French Advisory Committee on Public Hygiene (Decree of 10 August) and then, by a new decree (18 December), the principle of setting up a health committee per department. This was an important result in that it marked recognition, but the history of these institutions under the Second Empire was that of disillusionment. ; International audience ; Critical Review of L. Murard and P. Zylberman, Hygiene in the Republic (Fayard, 1996) and J.-B. Wojciechowski, Mental Hygiene and Social Hygiene (L'Harmattan, 1997).Hygiene in the Republic is a major contribution to the history of medicine and public health policies in France between 1870 and 1914. 1870 is the year of a military deroute for France, but the Franco-Prussian war will also be punished, according to the authors, by a health defeat. For Murard and Zylberman, it is impossible to attribute this difference to scientific delay because the French hygienist movement is theoretically very similar to that of its neighbours. French doctors did not, moreover, draw the government's attention to the health of the ...

This article focuses on Foucault's analysis in The Birth of Biopolitics of the neoliberal concept of homo oeconomicus, which is no more defined (as it was the case in classical liberalism) as an atom of intangible freedom, but becomes on the contrary a manageable and 'eminently governable' man, whose economic behaviour can be modified through an action on his environment. Thus, according to Foucault, the neoliberal governmentality is characterized by the necessary coexistence of an autonomy of the markets and massive strategies of intervention (implying the imposition of modes of subjectivation through the adjustment of an 'environment') on the social field. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on something that could appear as a paradoxical omission in Foucault's lectures on neoliberalism, namely the description of what would be a neoliberal biopolitics. The article outlines such a biopolitics by stressing how economics and demography connect. While sketching the genealogy of economic government of population from classical theories to neoliberalism, the author highlights the role played by the notion of human capital in neoliberal rationality, and the tension it introduces between quantification of working time and qualification of population, between present and possible, and between investment and realization: what is at stake is quantifying quality, through a set of measures appraising the possible valorization of subjects. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims at highlighting the critical potentialities inscribed at the heart of neoliberal rationality, which has been established as radically opposed to the raison d'Etat through the idea that 'one always governs too much'. Foucault's analyses in The Birth of Biopolitics are particularly attentive to this theme: indeed, using economic reasoning and the instruments of economic science as critical weapons in order to deconstruct the traditional political philosophy and to demystify its emancipatory pretenses, Foucault presents neoliberalism as one of the main contemporary embodiments of the critical tradition. Hence, it is outside political philosophy, moral philosophy or theory of law that we have to search if we want to resist neoliberalism. Adapted from the source document.

The term biopolitics for social scientists applies to consideration of human biology in modeling individual & collective behavior, & to the use of standard methods & theories of political science for examination of public policies in the field of biotechnology. This article addresses a debate regarding political science research with respect to the biomedical aspect of biopolitics, such as genetic screening, stem cell research, genetic engineering, & organ transplantation. In spite of considerable controversy & attention, little research has been applied to this topic to date. An overview of possible research questions & issues is provided, & six discussions to be presented in this issue & a future issue are introduced. 1 Figure, 1 Reference. L. Kehl

Lessons uttered by Michel Foucault from January to March 1979 have a special status in its course at the College de France. This is the only time Foucault interrogates the history of the 20th century and is the vertical of his contemporary actuality, sometimes even the most immediate (eg economic policy of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, at the session of 7 March). The general title that had been given (Birth of biopolitics) however ready to confusion. The 'biopolitics' has become, with the heavy use that he knows and diversifies in the Italian school (Agamben, Negri, Esposito, etc.), a central concept of contemporary political thought. Foucault, who coined the phrase, giving it, in this course, a relatively limited sense: the recognition by a political government of a new object, 'population', understood as the set of rudders regarded under the terms of their biological existence, and posing determined by a series of problems (health, birth rate, hygiene, diseases, etc.). Adapted from the source document.

In this essay, the author links the criticism by Foucault to the classical categories of political philosophy, counteropposing biopolitics and governmentality to sovereignty and political authority, meanwhile introduces the notion of ethopolitics in Foucault's thought when the last understresses the aesthetics of existence as a way of life either ethical or political.

This study compares the ethical proposals of two contemporary social movements: the animal cause and the cause of refugees in Europe. On the one hand, activists and animalist thinkers advocate the inclusion of animals in the sphere of moral consideration by emphasizing that respect for animal lives will lead us towards the abolition of all kinds of suffering and exploitation, to wit that of animals and that of men. On the other hand, the sinking of boats in the Mediterranean Sea illustrates the indifference of European leaders and part of civil society towards refugees who, according to the spirit of international treaties, embody the image of human vulnerability. The indifference towards these individuals, without forgetting the hunting of which they are victims, their imprisonment, and the deprivation of their fundamental rights, will result in their metamorphosis into a biopolitically ambiguous figure: the humanimal. Despite its anthropomorphic physicality, its speech, and its human face, the humanimal is a living being whose status is closer to that of animals than that of men. A proximity that calls into question the need to politicize the animal cause to guarantee respect for animals, since the exclusion of the humanimal is precisely based on political criteria.More than a criticism of the ethical statements of animalists thinkers, this work wishes to think the animal cause with the help of the humanimal and thus stop the anthropogenic machine which has been characterized, since its origins, by the inclusion of a life in the sphere of moral consideration together with expulsion of another life. Bringing the humanimal closer to the animal represents an opportunity to think differently the being that Western epistemology, since Antiquity, has considered as a possession belonging only to man. The conclusion of this work aims to expose some elements allowing the construction of a new ethical perspective where "differences" will not constitute a reason for discrimination, above all a means to justify the ...

This study compares the ethical proposals of two contemporary social movements: the animal cause and the cause of refugees in Europe. On the one hand, activists and animalist thinkers advocate the inclusion of animals in the sphere of moral consideration by emphasizing that respect for animal lives will lead us towards the abolition of all kinds of suffering and exploitation, to wit that of animals and that of men. On the other hand, the sinking of boats in the Mediterranean Sea illustrates the indifference of European leaders and part of civil society towards refugees who, according to the spirit of international treaties, embody the image of human vulnerability. The indifference towards these individuals, without forgetting the hunting of which they are victims, their imprisonment, and the deprivation of their fundamental rights, will result in their metamorphosis into a biopolitically ambiguous figure: the humanimal. Despite its anthropomorphic physicality, its speech, and its human face, the humanimal is a living being whose status is closer to that of animals than that of men. A proximity that calls into question the need to politicize the animal cause to guarantee respect for animals, since the exclusion of the humanimal is precisely based on political criteria.More than a criticism of the ethical statements of animalists thinkers, this work wishes to think the animal cause with the help of the humanimal and thus stop the anthropogenic machine which has been characterized, since its origins, by the inclusion of a life in the sphere of moral consideration together with expulsion of another life. Bringing the humanimal closer to the animal represents an opportunity to think differently the being that Western epistemology, since Antiquity, has considered as a possession belonging only to man. The conclusion of this work aims to expose some elements allowing the construction of a new ethical perspective where "differences" will not constitute a reason for discrimination, above all a means to justify the ...