Suchergebnisse

This article presents the specific rhetoric of social control present in the sections of national and municipal legislation pertaining to conduct in public spaces of Vilnius, Lithuania. Theoretically, the paper utilises M. Foucault's framework of power modalities both because of Foucault's engaged questioning of power and the applicability of his insights to the spatial dimensions of the city. The paper bases its interpretive scheme on two premises: a) that law reveals biopolitical and disciplinary aspects of social control; and b) that urban public space presents a valuable case for the analysis of these aspects. A qualitative content analysis of national and municipal legislation has revealed that national legislation is driven by biopolitical objectives and municipal legislation by disciplinary ones. The national legislation focuses the regulation of public space on public order, public calm, and public dignity – public mores that must be upheld in the interest of the population and expanding beyond strictly public space. Disciplinarity is evident in municipal legislation insofar as it breaks space up into governable fragments, imposing painstakingly detailed prohibitions and obligations, and building a hierarchy inside the population between the desired and subnormal subject.

This article presents the specific rhetoric of social control present in the sections of national and municipal legislation pertaining to conduct in public spaces of Vilnius, Lithuania. Theoretically, the paper utilises M. Foucault's framework of power modalities both because of Foucault's engaged questioning of power and the applicability of his insights to the spatial dimensions of the city. The paper bases its interpretive scheme on two premises: a) that law reveals biopolitical and disciplinary aspects of social control; and b) that urban public space presents a valuable case for the analysis of these aspects. A qualitative content analysis of national and municipal legislation has revealed that national legislation is driven by biopolitical objectives and municipal legislation by disciplinary ones. The national legislation focuses the regulation of public space on public order, public calm, and public dignity – public mores that must be upheld in the interest of the population and expanding beyond strictly public space. Disciplinarity is evident in municipal legislation insofar as it breaks space up into governable fragments, imposing painstakingly detailed prohibitions and obligations, and building a hierarchy inside the population between the desired and subnormal subject.

This article presents the specific rhetoric of social control present in the sections of national and municipal legislation pertaining to conduct in public spaces of Vilnius, Lithuania. Theoretically, the paper utilises M. Foucault's framework of power modalities both because of Foucault's engaged questioning of power and the applicability of his insights to the spatial dimensions of the city. The paper bases its interpretive scheme on two premises: a) that law reveals biopolitical and disciplinary aspects of social control; and b) that urban public space presents a valuable case for the analysis of these aspects. A qualitative content analysis of national and municipal legislation has revealed that national legislation is driven by biopolitical objectives and municipal legislation by disciplinary ones. The national legislation focuses the regulation of public space on public order, public calm, and public dignity – public mores that must be upheld in the interest of the population and expanding beyond strictly public space. Disciplinarity is evident in municipal legislation insofar as it breaks space up into governable fragments, imposing painstakingly detailed prohibitions and obligations, and building a hierarchy inside the population between the desired and subnormal subject.

This article presents the specific rhetoric of social control present in the sections of national and municipal legislation pertaining to conduct in public spaces of Vilnius, Lithuania. Theoretically, the paper utilises M. Foucault's framework of power modalities both because of Foucault's engaged questioning of power and the applicability of his insights to the spatial dimensions of the city. The paper bases its interpretive scheme on two premises: a) that law reveals biopolitical and disciplinary aspects of social control; and b) that urban public space presents a valuable case for the analysis of these aspects. A qualitative content analysis of national and municipal legislation has revealed that national legislation is driven by biopolitical objectives and municipal legislation by disciplinary ones. The national legislation focuses the regulation of public space on public order, public calm, and public dignity – public mores that must be upheld in the interest of the population and expanding beyond strictly public space. Disciplinarity is evident in municipal legislation insofar as it breaks space up into governable fragments, imposing painstakingly detailed prohibitions and obligations, and building a hierarchy inside the population between the desired and subnormal subject.

The author sheds some light on various aspects of the bioethical and biopolitical debate in Austria: basically sceptical attitude of a great part of the Austrian population towards biotechnology and genetic engineering makes up the background. The author's review of the discussions identifies primal biopolitical conflicts, e.g., on the so-called "Fristenlösung" or the conflict surrounding "green" gene technology. Phases of legal regulation (with the enacting of laws governing issues such as reproductive medicine) have been followed by an "institutionalization of bioethics" and recently by some attempts of democratization of the debate. A closer look at the participants shows that the government, the parliament and the political parties act quite reticent, allowing NGOs and, for instance, the Catholic Church to influence plenty of the debate. The author presents selected subjects of the current debate, e.g., the (still not decided) question of Austria's accession to the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine of the Council of Europe or the implementation of the European biopatent-directive. Stem-cell research and reproductive medicine are also discussed. The author concludes with a preliminary but critical comment on the debate.

The author sheds some light on various aspects of the bioethical and biopolitical debate in Austria: basically sceptical attitude of a great part of the Austrian population towards biotechnology and genetic engineering makes up the background. The author's review of the discussions identifies primal biopolitical conflicts, e.g., on the so-called "Fristenlösung" or the conflict surrounding "green" gene technology. Phases of legal regulation (with the enacting of laws governing issues such as reproductive medicine) have been followed by an "institutionalization of bioethics" and recently by some attempts of democratization of the debate. A closer look at the participants shows that the government, the parliament and the political parties act quite reticent, allowing NGOs and, for instance, the Catholic Church to influence plenty of the debate. The author presents selected subjects of the current debate, e.g., the (still not decided) question of Austria's accession to the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine of the Council of Europe or the implementation of the European biopatent-directive. Stem-cell research and reproductive medicine are also discussed. The author concludes with a preliminary but critical comment on the debate.

The author sheds some light on various aspects of the bioethical and biopolitical debate in Austria: basically sceptical attitude of a great part of the Austrian population towards biotechnology and genetic engineering makes up the background. The author's review of the discussions identifies primal biopolitical conflicts, e.g., on the so-called "Fristenlösung" or the conflict surrounding "green" gene technology. Phases of legal regulation (with the enacting of laws governing issues such as reproductive medicine) have been followed by an "institutionalization of bioethics" and recently by some attempts of democratization of the debate. A closer look at the participants shows that the government, the parliament and the political parties act quite reticent, allowing NGOs and, for instance, the Catholic Church to influence plenty of the debate. The author presents selected subjects of the current debate, e.g., the (still not decided) question of Austria's accession to the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine of the Council of Europe or the implementation of the European biopatent-directive. Stem-cell research and reproductive medicine are also discussed. The author concludes with a preliminary but critical comment on the debate.

The author sheds some light on various aspects of the bioethical and biopolitical debate in Austria: basically sceptical attitude of a great part of the Austrian population towards biotechnology and genetic engineering makes up the background. The author's review of the discussions identifies primal biopolitical conflicts, e.g., on the so-called "Fristenlösung" or the conflict surrounding "green" gene technology. Phases of legal regulation (with the enacting of laws governing issues such as reproductive medicine) have been followed by an "institutionalization of bioethics" and recently by some attempts of democratization of the debate. A closer look at the participants shows that the government, the parliament and the political parties act quite reticent, allowing NGOs and, for instance, the Catholic Church to influence plenty of the debate. The author presents selected subjects of the current debate, e.g., the (still not decided) question of Austria's accession to the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine of the Council of Europe or the implementation of the European biopatent-directive. Stem-cell research and reproductive medicine are also discussed. The author concludes with a preliminary but critical comment on the debate.

Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.

Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.

Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.

Despite the shutdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant (1986) it still influences the social and political reality. Chernobyl appears in this research as the result of work of interpretation of the aftermaths of Chernobyl disaster by different actors: state bodies, political parties, NGO and scientific institutions. This research touches upon different discourses, story-lines through witch the consequences of the accident on Chernobyl plant are managed in Belarus from 1986 to 2008. Applying such sociological concepts as risk (Beck 2000; Borraz 2008), construction of scientific facts (Callon 1979; Latour 1989, 2004), biopower (Foucault 1996) and the methodology of the discourse-coalitions (Hajer 1995) in this dissertation the constructivist analysis of the politics of Chernobyl is represented. The main hypothesis of this research is to identify the discourse-coalitions within the Chernobyl policy, the actors and story-lines they utter. This research analyses also how the risks created by Chernobyl accident are treated and how biopolitics rhetoric is articulated in the discourse-coalitions and reveals their role in the nuclear policy.