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In: Worldview, Band 17, Heft 7, S. 30-33
My first visit to England was in 1921, when the Macdonald Labor government had its first but brief reign by sufferance of the Liberals. I married an English girl in 1931, and my wife and I subsequently spent every other summer in Britain until 1939. I met the late Dr. William Temple, Archbishop of York, in a preparatory meeting for the Oxford Conference on "Church, Community and State" in 1938. My contacts with Britain were chiefly on the Left in both Church and State. Dr. Temple was a member of the Labor Party and, with Professor R. H. Tawney, one of the founders of the Workers Education Association. Temple was certainly partly responsible for the general diffusion of "labor" opinion through the middle classes of Britain and beyond the limits of the industrial classes to which socialism was confined on the Continent. This diffusion laid the foundation for the victory of Labor after the War, in spite of Churchill's great eminence as the architect of British victory. The slogan "Fair shares for all" represented the conscience of the whole war-impoverished nation.
Britain
Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas
Britain
Following an overview of the political context in GB, the development of environmental protest in GB, 1988-1997, is explored, drawing on an analysis of 2,756 environmental protests reported in print editions of The Guardian. The geographical distribution of environmental protest is found to be skewed toward London, England, while four predominant issues are identified: nature conservation, animal welfare, pollution, & transport. Forms of protest included conventional (ie, political action), demonstrations, confrontation, property attacks, & violence against persons. It is seen that the public visibility of confrontational protest associated with environmental issues increased, while forms of action seem to be related to the kinds of issues being protested. Patterns of activity of specific environmental groups are next assessed, with Greenpeace & Friends of the Earth cited most often over the decade & evidencing the most stable representation. Attention turns to distinguishing between the different movements that constitute the whole of British environmental protest, which is described as a loose noninstitutionalized network of organizations. It is noted that analysis provides no evidence of any trend toward a transnationalization of British protest, with very little indication of protests directed at the EU. Overall, there was a surge of environmental protest with a distinct turn toward more confrontational forms of action & patterns apparently tied to opportunities arising with the electoral cycle & government policies & attitudes. It is suggested that the tailing off of protest is related to the Labour government's quick response, perhaps to avoid the kind of protest wave experienced by its Conservative predecessor. 8 Tables, 5 Figures. J. Zendejas
In Britain labor is a full partner: more about Britain; wages in wartime Britain
In: American federationist: official monthly magazine of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, S. 22-23
ISSN: 0002-8428
Britain First: The 'Frontline Resistance' to the Islamification of Britain
In: The political quarterly, Band 85, Heft 3, S. 354-361
ISSN: 1467-923X
AbstractThe British National Party and English Defence League forged new frontiers in British political spaces in relation to anti‐Islam, anti‐Muslim ideologies. Whereas the former sought to do so in formal political arenas, the latter did so as a street‐level movement. With the subsequent waning of both, Britain First has emerged seemingly to fill the political void they left. In many ways, Britain First combines the strategies and actions of the parties that preceded it, at both the formal and street levels. This article considers what is known about Britain First, about its history, development and its ideology, and how this is manifested in terms of its political strategies and actions. This includes such activities as standing for European elections and also undertaking 'Christian patrols' and mosque 'invasions'. The article considers how Britain First, while having some similarities with the BNP and EDL, is more confrontational and militaristic and is informed by apocalyptic Christianity.