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The author analyses the geopolitical dynamics of post-Soviet Eurasia in the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. During the last ten years Central Eurasia grew into one of the centers of world politics and economy, therefore, the emergent geopolitical trends that affect the region are discussed. The author focuses on the problems of regional security, in which the major factor is Afghanistan.Key words: geopolitical dynamics, buffer states, Iranian world, Central Eurasia ; В последние десятилетия Центральная Евразия с периферии региональной политики переместилась в один из перспективных центров мировой политики и экономики. Новые государства Центральной Азии оказывают существенное влияние на международные процессы в регионе, корректируя порой стратегические проекты внешних игроков. В статье рассматриваются новые геополитические тенденции в регионе, проблема региональной безопасности в контексте афганского фактора, дается анализ роли региональных организаций по обеспечению безопасности Центральной Евразии, а также рассматриваются новые совместные проекты развития России и центральноевразийских государств.

The present article reviews the idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state as a political goal that was promoted by Jonas –li˚pas, an activist of the Lithuanian national awakening (in English transcription: John Szlupas/ Szliupas/Sliupas, 1861ñ1944). The research of the idea of establishing a common state shows that the concept of a Lithuanian-Latvian confederation (similar to Switzerland) existed already in 1884 and was mentioned in East Prussia (Germany) by Germans. The idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state was adopted by J. –li˚pas who further developed this idea in his own way. J. –li˚pas had acknowledged that he had first heard of the Lithuanian- Latvian state concept in 1884, in presentations of several Germans, after his oration in Tilsit (East Prussia). At the time he was 23 years old, the age when a young man is open to many new ideas. After coming to the United States, in 1885 he started promoting the idea of a Lithuanian-Latvian state in the New York Lithuanian language newspaper ìUnijaî. Later J. –li˚pas continued this idea in his subsequent publications. Such a revelation of the origin of a Lithuanian-Latvian state idea (Letto-Lithuanian Republic) helps in understanding why this early concept later found very little enthusiasm among the Lithuanian and the Latvian leaders, because the idea originated from outside and did not reflect the Lithuanian and Latvian interests. It promoted German understanding and the strategic interests developed by the Kaiserís Germany in the 19th century. It intended to separate Lithuanian and Latvian lands from the Russian Empire, thus creating a central buffer zone between the two antagonists that served German interests. The idea most likely is associated with the grandiose German plan in how to reorganize Central and Eastern Europe. After the beginning of World War I, new possibilities emerged in how to fulfill these strategic plans.

The present article reviews the idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state as a political goal that was promoted by Jonas –li˚pas, an activist of the Lithuanian national awakening (in English transcription: John Szlupas/ Szliupas/Sliupas, 1861ñ1944). The research of the idea of establishing a common state shows that the concept of a Lithuanian-Latvian confederation (similar to Switzerland) existed already in 1884 and was mentioned in East Prussia (Germany) by Germans. The idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state was adopted by J. –li˚pas who further developed this idea in his own way. J. –li˚pas had acknowledged that he had first heard of the Lithuanian- Latvian state concept in 1884, in presentations of several Germans, after his oration in Tilsit (East Prussia). At the time he was 23 years old, the age when a young man is open to many new ideas. After coming to the United States, in 1885 he started promoting the idea of a Lithuanian-Latvian state in the New York Lithuanian language newspaper ìUnijaî. Later J. –li˚pas continued this idea in his subsequent publications. Such a revelation of the origin of a Lithuanian-Latvian state idea (Letto-Lithuanian Republic) helps in understanding why this early concept later found very little enthusiasm among the Lithuanian and the Latvian leaders, because the idea originated from outside and did not reflect the Lithuanian and Latvian interests. It promoted German understanding and the strategic interests developed by the Kaiserís Germany in the 19th century. It intended to separate Lithuanian and Latvian lands from the Russian Empire, thus creating a central buffer zone between the two antagonists that served German interests. The idea most likely is associated with the grandiose German plan in how to reorganize Central and Eastern Europe. After the beginning of World War I, new possibilities emerged in how to fulfill these strategic plans.

в настоящей статье исследованы экологические реформы ; осуществленные в годы независимости в индустриальных городах Узбекистана на примере городов Ташкентской области. В исследовании изображается ; что в результате решения экологических проблем городов в рамках государства ; привело к улучшению экологического баланса. Также ; в статье говориться реорганизация индустриальных предприятий путем инвестиции привело к уменьшению промышленных отходов. В статье на основе статистических данных показаны ; что в первые годы независимости реорганизация предприятий с ограниченной деятельностью в качестве объединенных предприятий ; а также переоборудование техники и технологии ; привело к уменьшению отравляющих веществ в атмосфере. В статье исследовано экологическое обстоятельство каждого индустриального города отдельно. Для раскрытия их использованы государственные постановления ; периодическая печать ; отражающая городскую жизнь ; материалы городского хакимията ; а также ; архивных фондов. Наряду с этим автор использовал газеты и журналы ; отражающие экосреду республики. ; the article analyzes ecological reforms of Uzbekistan's industrial towns ; especially towns of Tashkent region ; during the years of Independence. The analysis shows the improvement of ecological balance ; as a result of governmental arrangements undertaken for solving the ecological problems in the town. The article demonstrates the abatement of industrial pollution as a result of re-organizing industrial factories by investments. The statistical data shows the reduction of air pollution by deleterious waste in the town ; which was caused by the effect of industrial plants reorganization that phase down during the first years of Independence ; as a joint venture and technical and technological re-equipment of them. The ecological state of each industrial town is analyzed separately in the article. The author uses governmental decrees ; periodicals ; documents of town hall ; archive data ; as well newspapers and magazines that show eco-environment of the republic.

The article is devoted to the transformation of the Seleucid kingdom into a Roman province during the Eastern campaign of Pompey. Despite the fact that the reasons that pushed Pompey to the creation of a new province were repeatedly discussed in historiography, the question of the motivations of the Roman general remains controversial. Probably, a certain influence on the actions of Pompey had an aim to cope with internal instability in the province, which was caused by years of civil war. However, an analysis of the sources shows that the foreign policy factor had a decisive influence on the actions of Pompey - the desire to use the new province as a bridgehead for a future campaign against Parthia. In this case, a overt violation of the Roman foreign policy principles can be explained - depriving of power of Antiochus XIII who was recognized by the Senate, the military vulnerability of the province of Syria and the deliberate deterioration of relations with the Parthians. Changing the situation in the Roman Republic did not allow Pompey to implement his plans, but the war with Parthia for many decades remained one of the priorities of many Roman leaders, such as Marcus Licinius Crassus, Gaius Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. On the other hand, the new province, which was not defended by the buffer system of the allied kingdoms, itself was exposed to the blows of the Parthian cavalry. In general, the assumption of aggressive intentions of Pompey suggests that the Roman commander in his actions easily abandoned the traditional foreign policy methods of the Roman Senate for political expediency, therefore you should not see in the Pompey a conscious defender of "republican values". ; Статья посвящена превращению царства Селевкидов в римскую провинцию во время восточного похода Гнея Помпея. Несмотря на то, что причины, которые подтолкнули Помпея к созданию новой провинции неоднократно обсуждались в историографии, вопрос о побудительных мотивах римского полководца остается дискуссионным. Вероятно, определенное влияние на действия Помпея имело стремление справиться со внутренней нестабильностью в провинции, которая была вызвана многолетней гражданской войной. Однако анализ источников показывает, что решающее влияние на действия Помпея оказал внешнеполитический фактор – стремление использовать новую провинцию как плацдарм для будущего похода против Парфии. В этом случае можно объяснить и откровенное нарушение римских внешнеполитических принципов – лишение власти признанного Сенатом Антиоха XIII, и военную незащищенность провинции Сирия и намеренное ухудшение отношений с парфянами. Только изменение ситуации в Римской республике не позволило Помпею реализовать свои замыслы. ; Статтю присвячено перетворенню царства Селевкідів в римську провінцію під час східного походу Гнея Помпея. Незважаючи на те, що причини, які підштовхнули Помпея до створення нової провінції, неодноразово обговорювалися в історіографії, питання про мотиви римського полководця залишається дискусійним. Ймовірно, певний вплив на дії Помпея мало прагнення впоратися зі внутрішньою нестабільністю в провінції, яка була викликана багаторічною громадянською війною. Однак аналіз джерел показує, що вирішальний вплив на дії Помпея надав зовнішньополітичний фактор - прагнення використовувати нову провінцію як плацдарм для майбутнього походу проти Парфії. В цьому випадку можна пояснити і відверте порушення римських зовнішньополітичних принципів - позбавлення влади визнаного Сенатом Антіоха XIII, і військову незахищеність провінції Сирія і навмисне погіршення відносин з парфянами. Лише зміна ситуації в Римської республіки не дозволили Помпею реалізувати свої задуми.

The article presents an overview of scientific works on the topic «information culture», identifies aspects of scientific research of the multifaceted phenomenon of «information culture». A description of the structure of the concept of information culture of students, formed as a result of the inductive method of scientific cognition undertaken by the authors, is proposed. The definition of the concept of information outlook is given, the meaning of the concepts of information literacy and information hygiene is concretized. The article presents an analysis of the practical study of the components of the information culture of students as a buffer social group that is in the stage of its active formation — both personal and professional; analysis of the results of a sociological study among students of the Astrakhan State Technical University. The study uses a quantitative method of collecting social information — a written survey. The respondents were selected using a two-stage nested sampling method. The sample size was 300 full-time students (150 boys, 150 girls) in three areas of professional training: natural science, technology and technical sciences, social sciences. As a result of the conducted research, the authors found insufficient formation of students' information culture in the components of information outlook and information literacy; a correlation was revealed between the variables «technologies and technical sciences» and «knowledge of ways to identify «fakes», students understanding of information hygiene was determined. The practical novelty of this scientific work consists in measuring the formation of the elements of the information culture of students of a regional university identified by the authors on the basis of a representative sample, taking into account the profile and specialty of vocational training in a particular university. The theoretical significance of the research is due to the introduction of the concept of «information outlook» into scientific use, the justification of the study of the essential elements of the information culture of students, the analysis of scientific papers on the topic, which allowed to expand scientific ideas about the object and subject of research.

The issue of searching for an effective regional balance of power in the South Caucasus through the prism of Russia's military and political interaction with Armenia and Azerbaian is examined. The experience of the USA carrying out similar policy in relation to these states is demonstrated. Based on the quantitative analysis of military-political relations between Moscow, Yerevan and Baku, the scale and forms of the cooperation are estimated. Positive and negative consequences of the official Moscow's "balancing" policy are reviewed. Difficulties that the Russian side has to face when implementing such a regional scenario of behavior are shown. The article says that for Russia, which represents itself as a backbone structural element in the CIS, the key to realizing its national interests is creation of a "good-neighbor belt" and counteraction to formation of the anti-Russian buffer zone in the post-Soviet space. This determines the foreign policy course of Moscow in the CIS region, where the Russian leadership strives to maintain a balance in the development of military cooperation with such regional rivals in the South Caucasus subregion as Armenia and Azerbaian. The authors come to a conclusion that Russia is balancing between two countries - Armenia and Azerbaian - in order to maintain its influence in the region and the balance of power between the sides. It is noted that Moscow tries to demonstrate the adherence to the principle of a dynamic balance of power maintenance in the South Caucasus. Unfortunately, Russia is not coherent in its political line in contrast to the USA. According to the authors, it is difficult for Russia to maintain the military and political parity between Armenia and Azerbaian only because of the fact that it is a major weapons supplier for these two countries. So, any destabilization between Yerevan and Baku is not good for Moscow, and it can lead to serious problems regarding its reputation and regional interests. However, despite the fact that Russia has a regional and global status, an alternative political line will not be reconsidered in the near future. Moscow acts according to its age-old experience in the regional policy. © 2018 Nauka Publishing House. All rights reserved.

The article focuses on the theoretical and practical explanations of political and economic processes in the "post-Western" international reality. Proceeding from the assumptions of the complex system theory, the authors prove the necessity to use already established analytical approaches in combination with the newly developed ones to be able to understand and forecast the spatial-temporal evolution of the international system as a complex system. International political economy and world regional studies now investigate the empirical aspects of working out the most competitive and simultaneously most stable socio-political and politicaleconomic model of development. These studies also search for the ways national versions of development can become closer to this model and analyze to what extent regional/national models may differ from it without losing their international competitiveness. Exploring the evolution of the international system and political and economic transformations in the world leading states the authors conclude that a polycentric world cannot sustain a growing geopolitical confrontation and struggle for the geopolitical infl uence over the buffer areas. The polycentric international system requires a consensual elaboration of mutually benefi cial regional policies aimed at building transregional links between various regional areas. Reducing the instability in its regional and national segments the international system will move towards its overall greater stability. The authors further support this assumption analyzing transregional projects in Eurasia and the AsiaPacific region. ; В статье рассматриваются теоретические и практические аспекты объяснения политико-экономических процессов, происходящих в «постзападной» международной реальности. Авторы, опираясь на основные положения теории сложных систем, доказывают необходимость использования как уже устоявшихся подходов, так и разработки новых подходов для объяснения и прогнозирования пространственно-временной эволюции сложных систем применительно к системе международного взаимодействия.Показывается, что в международной политической экономии и мировом комплексном регионоведении центральной сейчас становится практическая проблематика выработки наиболее конкурентной и одновременно наиболее стабильной модели социально-политического устройства и политико-экономического уклада, приближения существующих национальных версий к этой модели и определение степени допустимости региональной/страновой вариативности ключевых параметров этой модели. Основываясь на анализе эволюции мировой системы и трансформации политико-экономических укладов ведущих стран мира, авторы приходят к выводу, что новые условия полицентричного мира требуют не ужесточения геополитической конфронтации и борьбы за геополитический контроль над буферными пространствами, а консенсусной разработки взаимовыгодных региональных политик трансрегионального сопряжения региональных пространств.Такой подход допускает конструктивную конкуренцию таких проектов, но одновременно препятствует ee перерастанию в прямую геополитическую или тем более военную конфронтацию, способствуя переходу мировой системы в целом в более стабильное состояние через уменьшение нестабильности ее региональных и страновых сегментов. Это утверждение апробируется на основе анализа новых трансрегиональных проектов Евразии и Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона.