An election campaign is an inseparable element of every election process. It is time preceding all democratic elections which in its being is exceptional and unique. This article is aimed at presenting to the comprehensive systematization of election campaigns. Ten criteria allowing to understand the complexity of the discussed political phenomenon were adopted. They are these criteria: the object, the time, the spatial reach, the legitimacy, the sequence of voting, the way of competition, the aim, the way of reaching the electorate, technological trends, methods of proceedings. For example the authoress assigned to the first criterion such electoral campaigns as: european, presidential, parliamentary, self-government. The systematization of election campaigns described in the article seems as of today to use up the complexity of the description of that political phenomenon. Maybe in the future implementing new criteria of the typology will be necessary. It will happen probably as a result of the rapid development of an contemporary election campaigns, and new criteria will concern rather strategic and tactical matters, than they will result from prescriptive regulations.
Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki - kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept offraming of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.
Główne refleksje badawcze w artykule koncentrują się na zastosowanych przez podmioty polityczne narzędziach marketingowych w mediach elektronicznych celem pozyskania poparcia społecznego. W kręgu zainteresowań autorki znalazły się dwie dotychczasowe kampanie wyborcze poprzedzające wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2004 oraz w 2009 roku. Teoretyczną podstawą badań była koncepcja ramowania (framing) przekazów medialnych. Ze względu na obszerność zgromadzonego materiału badawczego w artykule ostatecznie zaprezentowane są spostrzeżenia dotyczące reklam audiowizualnych oraz zawartości witryn internetowych podmiotów politycznych, które w wyniku elekcji uzyskały mandaty w Parlamencie Europejskim. Przeprowadzona analiza wykazała z jednej strony przywiązanie podmiotów politycznych do rozpowszechniania materiałów promocyjnych w telewizji, z drugiej konsekwentnie wzrastające zainteresowanie również kampanią prowadzoną w Internecie. Wyraźnie zarysowującym się zjawiskiem jest prezydencjalizacja polityki – kluczową rolę w kampaniach wyborczych, w tym w przekazach perswazyjnych odgrywają liderzy partyjni. ; The main research concern of this paper is the marketing tools used in the electronic media by political entities for the purpose of winning social support. The author refers to the two election campaigns preceding the European Parliament elections in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical foundation for the research was provided by the concept of framing of media messages. On account of the abundance of the material collected, the paper presents observations made with reference to audiovisual commercials and the content of the websites belonging to the political entities that won EP mandates in those elections. The analysis evidences the attachment of political entities to the dissemination of their promotional materials via television, on the one hand, and their consistently increasing interest in Internet campaigns on the other. A clear trend of the presidentialization of politics can be noted, as the key role in election campaigns and persuasive message dissemination is played by party leaders.
The purpose of the article is to assess the degree of presence of the idea of secularism in the election programs of the main political parties participating in the Polish parliamentary elections in 2019. The article adopts the understanding of the so-called political secularism which was referred to the institution of the Roman Catholic Church due to the context of research, as well as the fact that Catholics constitute the dominant part of Polish society and because of the major socio-political importance of the Catholic Church in Poland. The research material were the electoral programs of party election committees, as well as the speeches of their political leaders delivered during the main electoral program conventions. The article increases the cognitive value of the issue of political communication regarding the idea of secularism during the parliamentary campaign of 2019. Research has shown that religion has become an important factor in political discourse during the parliamentary campaign in Poland in 2019. The topic about the role of the Catholic Church institutions in the public sphere was, however, taken up only through Law and Justice and the Left. A clear polarization of views of these election committees was noted. Law and Justice spoke out against the idea of secularism, while the Left supported this idea. The Confederation, Polish People's Party and Civic Coalition remained silent in the election programs about the idea of a secular state. ; Celem artykułu jest ocena stopnia obecności idei sekularyzmu w programach wyborczych głównych partii politycznych startujących w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych 2019 roku. W artykule przyjęto rozumienie tzw. sekularyzmu politycznego i odniesiono je do instytucji Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego ze względu na kontekst badań, a także na fakt, że katolicy stanowią dominującą część społeczeństwa polskiego i ze względu na doniosłe znaczenie społeczno-polityczne Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce.Materiał badawczy stanowiły programy wyborcze partyjnych komitetów wyborczych, jak również przemówienia ich liderów politycznych wygłoszone podczas głównych wyborczych konwencji programowych.Artykuł zwiększa wartość poznawczą zagadnienia komunikowania politycznego dotyczącego idei sekularyzmu w okresie kampanii parlamentarnej 2019 r. Badania dowiodły, że religia stała się istotnym czynnikiem dyskursu politycznego w czasie kampanii parlamentarnej w Polsce w 2019 r. Temat dotyczący roli instytucji Kościoła katolickiego w sferze publicznej był jednak podjęty jedynie przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość oraz Lewicę. Odnotowano wyrazistą dychotomiczność poglądów tychże komitetów wyborczych. PiS wypowiedział się przeciw idei sekularyzmu, zaś Lewica tę ideę wsparła. Konfederacja, PSL oraz KW Koalicja Obywatelska przemilczały w programach wyborczych kwestię idei państwa świeckiego.
The article presents the course and character of the political electoral rivalry conducted during the selfgovernment campaign in 2006 in Konin town and Konin Poviat. The starting point for the analysis and the electoral fight waged by the campaign participants was the domination of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) in wielding power in the town since 1992. It focused on the following program issues: construction investments in the town and the region, and from the side of the opposition - the fight for decommunization of the town office. Observers of the local political stage agreed that the results of the discussed selfgovernment elections depended on the new electoral regulations based on blocking electoral registers. In Konin, three election blocs were established, and 5 people ran for mayor. The further part of the text presents the election results, in which the result of achieved electoral attendance proved to be particularly important as it attested to the strengthening of democratic standards and customs. The winner of the selfgovernment elections in Konin was the Civic Platform (PO), whereas further fight for mayor was waged by a politician of SLD and a woman candidate from PO. However, the negative campaign conducted by the latter before the second round of the elections was not accepted by Konin residents, who opted for keeping the leftwing government in the town.
The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process. ; The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gaining or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 election campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.
The paper attempts to order and indicate the most important sources of systemic and non-systemic support allowing local leaders to win elections and thereby gain- ing or maintaining power. The study is concentrated solely on the examination of the sources of support for political leaders in cities with district rights in the 2010 elec- tion campaign. The study was financed by a grant from the Ministry of Science and Higher Education obtained for statutory research at the Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University in 2012. The paper also makes use of a portion of studies carried out and published earlier on the topic of the processes of political communication of local leaders in the social media (Facebook and political blogs) and on various Internet websites. The paper presents a full account of the results of these studies in the context of political communication in the election process.
The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment). ; The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).
The article is a part of the reflections on the meaning of pro-attendance campaigns in the context of the increasing election absence in Poland. The considerations concentrate on the causes of electoral passivity and the steps taken by various entities (on the local, regional, national and international level) to encourage citizens to take part in elections. The period of empirical research includes two previous Polish campaigns preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2004 and 2009. The theoretical basis of the research is provided by the concept of framing and the theory of rational choice. Special attention is paid to the original elements of communication strategies in the campaigns run by non-governmental organizations, national and international institutions. Additionally, allegations against the politicization of pro-attendance campaigns are discussed. In the light of the research results, the pro-attendance campaign in 2004 was primarily focused on informing potential voters about the voting procedure. Addressed mainly to the younger generation of voters, the campaign from 2009 revealed a qualitative change in the way of approaching and implementing the pro-attendance campaigns (use of the potential of the Internet, organization of actions integrating young voters, civic education combined with entertainment).
The COVID-19 pandemic that has affected the world in 2020 and 2021 has had, is having and will have an impact on most areas of human life. This is a direct impact – such as health or economic consequences, as well as indirect – reevaluation of social relations, systems of values and culture norms. Since the fight against pandemic is in most regularly functioning countries a matter of public policy, this pandemic has a very serious impact also on the sphere of politics in general. This article aims to analyze what impact this pandemic had on the political situation in the United States in 2020. The year 2020 was a presidential election year in the United States, an election for which a significant part of the international community was waiting for mostly because of the clarity and diversity of the candidates. The aim of this paper is to answer the question to what extent the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic influenced the course of the campaign and especially the rhetoric and behavior of the candidates. It will also consider the impact going in the other direction, i.e. how and if at all, the fact that in 2020 we were dealing with the election period influenced the actions taken by the authorities at different levels in the fight against the pandemic. One of the main conclusions of the analysis is that the pandemic, given both the context of this particular election, the specific polarization of American society, and the opinions of individual electorates on important values, put Donald Trump in a particularly uncomfortable position and knocked out of his hands many of the advantages that had contributed to his victory four years earlier. The specific constellation of analyzed factors meant that, in the opinion of the author of the article, Donald Trump could not emerge victorious from this situation unlike many other leaders of countries whose ratings and evaluation in the reality of the fight against the pandemic were growing and improving. ; Pandemia COVID-19, która dotknęła świat w 2020 i 2021 r., miała, ...
The political image of Andrzej Duda in the presidential election campaign of Law and Justice in 2015. Since 2005, in Poland we are progressive and coexisting two key processes for development and evaluation of political campaigns. The first is the americanization of the campaigns, and other activities professionalization staffs. It seems that without the use of techniques characterized for political marketing would not be possible for the second time in Poland after 1989 change after the first term of office of the President. First departure Polish policy of Donald Tusk and the choice of an unknown politician — Andrzej Duda on the President, in fact, a political era ends and exhausts ruling so far Civic Platform effective strategy to scare of Jarosław Kaczyński. Secondly, the results of these elections mean consent youngest voters "change" on "anti‑system slogans" and finally as it seems, this means the announcement of acceptance for the appearance of a new political force in Poland.
This article focuses studying of examples of linguistic creativity in political discourse on Twitter, as well as showing the purpose of using linguistic tricks. Subject of analysis covers Twitter posts of two German, two American and two Polish politicians during election. Purpose of this collation is to show differences between creative role of tweets of people that are actively participating in political life in Poland, Germany and USA. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest zbadaniu wszelkich przejawów kreatywności językowej występującej w dyskursie politycznym na Twitterze oraz wskazaniu funkcji stosowanych zabiegów. Przedmiotem analizy są posty polityków polskich, niemieckich i amerykańskich publikowane na Twitterze w okresie kampanii wyborczych. Celem przedstawionego w artykule zestawienia jest wykazanie różnic, jakie występują między kreatywną rolą tweetów osób czynnie angażujących się w politykę w Polsce, Niemczech i USA.
The main research problem of this article is whether the political message, that was addressed to voters in the presidential election from 2015, was based on the results of the evaluations or of the socio-economic researches were conducted by the research centers. The political views and slogans, which were presented by the candidates for the President of Poland during the campaign in 2015, were analyzed to answer the main research problem. The theoretical framework of the evaluation and the process of evaluation researches on the example of the managing authority of the operational program were described in the first part of this article. The European experience of utilization the evaluation results by the political class and the analysis of the presidential campaign from 2015 in reference of constructing political arguments with the results of the evaluation were presented in the second part. The author concludes that the results of the evaluation were marginally used during the campaign. The political arguments, that were used by candidates for the President of Poland, were mostly limited to recall simple figures, expert and public opinion, although in some cases the politics referenced to the results of the studies and reports. However, it is impossible to conclude if one of these studies was an evaluation research.
