Suchergebnisse

In Media Bias in Presidential Election Coverage 1948-2008, Dave D'Alessio employs meta-analytic techniques to examine whether there are partisan biases in coverage of Presidential election campaigns in newspapers, on TV, and in the news magazines. This study further analyses the four essential natures of news media: as journalistic entities, property, businesses, and political actors. Aggregating the results of 99 previous studies, D'Alessio scrutinizes bias claims in news media, and why political candidates consistently

Many academics and commentators argue that Europe is suffering from a democratic deficit. An interesting proposal that has been put forward to address this problem is to elect some members of the European parliament in a pan-European district. In this article, we evaluate this proposal using an online experiment, in which thousands of Europeans voted on a pan-European ballot we created. We find that the voting behaviour of European citizens would be strongly affected by the presence or absence of candidates from their own country on the lists. If a pan-European district is created, our findings provide an argument in favour of using a closed-list ballot and establishing a maximum number of candidates from each country on the lists.

The study aims at investigating the negative emotions expressed in the PresidentialDebate between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. According to Staats (1975) negativeemotions refers to an evolution of scathe feeling that can affect an action to self andothers. Some concepts used in analyzing the data are basic emotions, language andemotion, meaning and context, figurative language and repetition (Fiehler, 2002; Parrott,2001; Wilson, 2006). The methodology used in this study is qualitative method. Data weretaken from the third presidential debate on October 19, 2016. All of the data were observedand analyzed related to negative emotions in terms of ANGER that covers outrage, hostility,scorn, dislike, hate, loathing, disgust, revulsion, spite and annoyance.These were oftenused by the candidates. The negative emotions were revealed through the choice of words interms of literal words, irony, sarcasm, and repetition. The findings show the various ways toexpress the negative emotions as a result of an evaluation of social phenomena, politicalsituation, and condition faced by the Americans. The result of this study can develop the studyof language and emotion in other aspects. Keywords: basic emotion, negative emotion, anger, non-literal expression

Intensive global competition, higher customer expectations and greater focus on quality have resulted in much greater requirements placed upon employees today than decades ago. The challenge has been to internalize a new type of organizational behavior in order to operate successfully under unfamiliar conditions. Professors have to choose the best skills developing methods for students. This paper introduces students' skills development methods' evaluation. Authors look for those evaluation's differences in two older European Union countries Spain and Portugal, one of the newest European Union country's Lithuania, candidate to European Union, situated in Europe and Asia – Turkey, and then Iran – the Middle East. The empirical research is based on theoretical background and presets investigation of student's skills, developing factors and differences according to students' nationality.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.em.17.3.2142

Maize (Zea mays L.) is a tropical crop with low tolerance to cold conditions and has to be planted late in temperate areas due to low temperatures. The objective of this research was to identify new cold tolerant populations among the European germplasm useful for improving adaptation to early sowing. For that, the European Union Maize Landraces Core Collection (EUMLCC) was evaluated under cold conditions. After a preliminary screening of 95 populations the 11 populations with best germination and early growth under cold conditions were multiplied and evaluated in a cold chamber and in early field sowings at two locations during 2 years. The cold tolerant populations from the EUMLCC were not significantly different from the cold tolerant checks in the cold chamber. In early field sowing, some EUMLCC populations had similar emergence than the commercial checks and the coldest tolerant hybrids, and higher vigor than all the hybrids and the yield of some of the populations surpassed the yield of the cold tolerant hybrids. Altogether, Aranga1 emerged as the most promising candidate as base population for improving adaptation to early sowing. ; Research was supported by the Spanish National Plan for Research and Development (AGF2004-06776, AGL2007-64218), the Autonomous Government of Galicia (PGIDIT04RAG403006PR) and the Excma. Diputacion Provincial de Pontevedra. ; Peer reviewed

Political scientists have assumed that dividing the electorate into issue publics, on the basis of salient issues, leads to a better understanding of the relationships between issues and both candidate evaluations and electoral choice. This portrait accords nicely with the description offered by pluralists of the operation of the electoral arena. Our data suggest that, at least in 1972, the portrait is flawed. Using a variety of multivariate tech niques we show that salience fails to sharpen the impact of issues and that electoral choice was, fundamentally, a question of candidate images.

This qualitative case study investigates dissent in the news discourse of a major pro-reform newspaper covering the Iranian presidential election debates that took place in June 2009. Drawing on appraisal theory as its analytical lens, the article examines the evaluation of the three major candidates in the paper's coverage of the debates. The article begins with the broader sociopolitical context situating the watershed debates and a description of the legal framework within which the Iranian press operate. The analysis next details the function of attitudinal resources in the discursive representation of the political actors. As central to an ideologically invested strategy, evaluative linguistic resources are found to sharply dichotomize the political actors along a range of positive and negative value positions that dissent from those advanced in the narratives of the dominant power.

The interaction between work and poverty has been examined for many years by emphasizing the necessity of being employed as a way out of poverty. However, the experiences of the last decades clearly show that it is not sufficient only to find a job to avoid poverty. Today, many people are classified as poor, even though they are currently working. This issue, called as in work poverty, combines poverty and labor market together, and it is analyzed within the context of inequality in many countries. However, the problem is crucial particularly in developing and emerging countries. As an EU candidate emerging country, Turkey had 13.5% of in work poverty rate in 2016; whereas it was 9.6% in EU-28, according to Eurostat. These rates clarify that in work poverty is a crucial issue in Turkey. Despite its significance, the literature is not rich in studies that focus on the issue for Turkey. İnan attempt to contribute to the literature, this study explains the concept of in work poverty and how it results in inequality in an economy. After that, it points out necessary policies that can be used to reduce in work poverty. The ultimate aim of this study is to examine relevant policies in Turkey, and make an evaluation on the success of these policies. The findings of the research indicate that, the policies in Turkey do not focus solely on in work poverty, instead the problem is generally addressed within the context of poverty, labor market or social policy issues. As a natural consequence of this situation, the issue remains as a crucial problem for both the economy and the society. Thus, this study's another contribution lies in its effort to point out the importance of recognizing the issue specifically for working poor, and then to offer various policies to alleviate in work poverty in Turkey.

Instituto Tecnológico de Informática has a non-economic Activities Plan (PROMECE) whose general objective is to strengthen the research lines in which the Institute works, within the scope of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). Within the Communications R&D Line, we work on the design and implementation of solutions based on communication technologies and industrial computing for telecontrol, telemonitoring, sensors and energy efficiency, facing challenges such as heterogeneous networks, ad hoc Wireless systems, WSN and in general the Internet of Things (IoT) and Machine to Machine (M2M). This document summarizes the tasks carried out to validate the WPAN technologies for applications with high requirements in terms of hardiness, reliability, latency, etc. in harsh environments (noise, interferences, losses) such as the industrial. This includes the analysis of existing technologies, the selection for the candidate protocol stack, its implementation in real hardware and the validation tests. ; PROMECE 2015. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of IVACE network. File number: IMAMCN/2015/1

AbstractWhy is voting behaviour tied to ethnicity in many new democracies? A predominant view, offered by the instrumentalist theory, argues that voters use candidates' identity -ethnic or partisan- as a signal of expected performance. However, voters will reward well-performing politicians by being more likely to vote for them and punish bad performance regardless of candidates' identity. To test these assumptions, we conduct a nationally representative survey in Kenya asking voters about their spending preference for the country's main anti-poverty programme, which is managed by MPs in collaboration with citizens. We find that voters, regardless of ethnicity or party, have an erroneous view of how their MP spent the anti-poverty funds. Then in an experiment, we share with voters the spending made by the MPs and audit results probing for corruption. Once voters are aware that their MP's spending does not match their spending priorities, their approval and likelihood of voting for the MP decreases if primed to view the politician as partisan. Voters also electorally punish MPs for corruption whether copartisan or non-copartisan. In contrast to instrumentalist expectations, if voters are primed to view their MP in ethnic terms, they are more likely to vote for their coethnic overlooking bad performance and corruption. The availability of alternative parties in local elections may explain why voters attach partisanship to performance evaluation. Still, in our case study, as in other new democracies, politicians continue mobilising support along ethnic lines, perhaps explaining why voters prioritise group loyalties if primed to think about ethnicity.

Data from the National Election Studies were examined in an effort to isolate cognitive dissonance of two kinds' of dissonance arising from a behavioral commitment in the form of voting, & dissonance arising from inconsistencies associated with having supported the losing candidate. Feeling thermometer ratings of the two principal presidential candidates obtained before & immediately after six elections (1972, 1980, 1984, 1988, 1992, & 1996) were analyzed. Regression estimates supported a dissonance reduction explanation of observed attitude changes. Voters, as compared to nonvoters, tended to increase the evaluative distance between candidates after an election, whereas supporters of the losing candidate were more likely than supporters of the winning candidate to decrease such evaluative distances. An additional examination of voters yielded results consistent with dissonance theory: After the election, respondents reporting favorable evaluations of both candidates (a difficult choice) tended to spread comparative candidate evaluations compared to respondents who were favorable toward only one candidate (an easy choice). The results both support & cast doubt on prior studies. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

Milletvekili aday tespit yönteminin demokratik olması, parti içi demokrasi ilkesinin en önemli göstergelerinden biridir. İşte, bu çalışmada da, İngiliz İşçi Partisi tarafından tercih edilen milletvekili aday belirleme yöntemi parti içi demokrasi ilkesi çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir. Bu çerçevede, çalışma kapsamında öncelikle model olarak neden İngiliz İşçi Partisi'nin seçildiği sorusu cevaplandırılacak, daha sonra, İşçi Partisi Tüzüğü'nde milletvekili adaylarının tespit edilme usulüne ilişkin yer alan kurallar açıklanacaktır. Çalışmanın son kısmında ise, söz konusu hükümlerin, parti içi demokrasi ilkesini ne yönde etkilediği uygulamadan da örneklere yer verilerek eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ortaya konacaktır. ; One of the most important indicators of the intra-party democracy principle is being respectful to democracy in the election of candidates to stand for election as MPs. In this study, the MP candidacy election method of the Labour Party of the UK will be analysed pursuant to intra-party democracy principle. In this context, within the scope of this study, firstly the reason for choosing the Labour Party of the UK as a case study will be explained. Secondly, the principles regarding the MP candidate election method in the Labour Party bylaw will be defined. In the last part of this study, how the intra-party democracy principle is affected by these principles will be discussed giving wide coverage to exemplary de facto implementation in a critical perspective.

On 10th of September, the new European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen has presented the commissioner designates put forward by the member states. They will go through the scrutiny of the European Parliament through the hearings to start from 30th September on. A negative assessment of the European Parliament by a two-third majority can prompt the withdrawal of a candidate, or a reshuffling of portfolios. Also the entire Commission needs to be approved by the Parliament by a single vote. This final voting will take place in October.

Does information irrelevant to government performance affect voting behavior? If so, how does this help us understand the mechanisms underlying voters' retrospective assessments of candidates' performance in office? To precisely test for the effects of irrelevant information, we explore the electoral impact of local college football games just before an election, irrelevant events that government has nothing to do with and for which no government response would be expected. We find that a win in the 10 d before Election Day causes the incumbent to receive an additional 1.61 percentage points of the vote in Senate, gubernatorial, and presidential elections, with the effect being larger for teams with stronger fan support. In addition to conducting placebo tests based on postelection games, we demonstrate these effects by using the betting market's estimate of a team's probability of winning the game before it occurs to isolate the surprise component of game outcomes. We corroborate these aggregate-level results with a survey that we conducted during the 2009 NCAA men's college basketball tournament, where we find that surprising wins and losses affect presidential approval. An experiment embedded within the survey also indicates that personal well-being may influence voting decisions on a subconscious level. We find that making people more aware of the reasons for their current state of mind reduces the effect that irrelevant events have on their opinions. These findings underscore the subtle power of irrelevant events in shaping important real-world decisions and suggest ways in which decision making can be improved.