Peaceful change - ein Völkerrechtsprinzip?
In: Forschungsergebnisse der Studiengruppe für Politik und Völkerrecht 25
In: Forschungsergebnisse der Studiengruppe für Politik und Völkerrecht 25
World Affairs Online
Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.
BASE
Since the end of the last century Mexico has experienced a profound proces of political and electoral change which was reflected in its transition from a dominant party authoritarian regime to a competitive multiparty system. This paper has two parts and a concluding section. The first part focuses on major changes in a number of relevant dimensions of the Mexican party system, including electoral competitiveness, party fractionalisation, electoral volatility, nationalisation, and the aggregate distribution of partisan loyalties among the electorate (macropartisanship) over the last three decades. The analysis is based on aggregate electoral data at the national and the district level, as well as on data from surveys of public opinion. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment as well as growing competitiveness, fractionalisation, and nationalisation of the party system. The second part is a brief review of the factors driving the process of political and electoral change in Mexico.
BASE
In: Studia Politologiczne, Heft 61/2021, S. 152-185
The article tries to bring to the light the role of symbolism in the organized human life, in general, and the contemporary societies with the accelerating changes almost in all social structures, in particular. The rational of symbolism in changing socio-political and legal environment creates complexity of the issue, which has been studied in the article, taking into account the methodology of complex system theory. The interconnectivity and interdependency of law, morality and politics create the picture of synergy of different social norms with each other in changing environment. Their positive synergy is able to create a perception of the 'ethical state' – the focal point of equilibrium expressed in the attractor of future admired development. In the legal perspective, the symbol of that attractor appears to be the constitution as the society's and the nation's symbol of coexistence based on the values of mutual past, necessary present and admired future. It is substantiated that the Constitution is the phenomenon, representing a concrete constitutional idea and constitutional identity, and should be the one to be considered as such in a lot of people's minds if we intend to have a proper constitutional system and values. Hence, the Constitution is not just a document with a highest legal force, but also a symbol of a concrete constitutional system, and from this viewpoint the Basic Law has a symbolic significance. The authors substantiate that the mentioned significance of the Constitution makes it clear that constitutional policy in any state should be established and implemented in a manner, obviously demonstrating an attitude towards the Constitution, in the frames of which it is considered as a symbol of a concrete constitutional system. The most important circumstance in this context is to never transform the Constitution (directly or indirectly) from a symbol to an instrument in the hands of both the people and the state power and the whole constitutional policy of the state should be based on the discussed essential idea. Moreover, according to the authors the Constitution should not be subject to amendment parallel to every change of political situation of the state or formation of a new political majority merely conditioned by the mentioned changes. The Constitution has a fundamental role from the aspect of regulating social relations, has symbolic significance and can't be used just as a tool for solving ongoing political problems.
In recent decades, society has fundamentally changed; there are political changes affecting education and, consequently, demands on teachers' work change, as well as parents' and society's expectations of teachers. The main aim of this qualitative research is to map the changes in the conditions of teachers' work in the Czech Republic in the last thirty years according to the subjective perception of teachers-experts, i.e. respondents. The respondents are teachers who have been active in the profession for at least thirty years. All the respondents are women working as primary school teachers (Dáša, Lucie, Jana, Danka, Blanka, Dominika, Karolína).In the research we deal with the following areas: interpersonal relationships at the workplace, communication and cooperation with pupils' parents, and the teacher-pupil relationship.The most important results of this research are as follows. The respondents are aware of and perceive the decreasing authority of the teacher today. They point out that the teacher's authority has degraded in the eyes of pupils, parents, and society. The most widespread problem faced by teachers is the disruptive behavior of pupils, which may interfere with teaching.Moreover, today's teachers sometimes have to deal with parents who are completely uncritical of their children, whom they trust completely. When problems arise, these parents never see the root cause in their child but in other classmates or, most frequently, in the teacher. If a child receives a bad grade, these parents are willing to go to the teacher and try to find the error on their side rather than in their own children.
BASE
In recent decades, society has fundamentally changed; there are political changes affecting education and, consequently, demands on teachers' work change, as well as parents' and society's expectations of teachers. The main aim of this qualitative research is to map the changes in the conditions of teachers' work in the Czech Republic in the last thirty years according to the subjective perception of teachers-experts, i.e. respondents. The respondents are teachers who have been active in the profession for at least thirty years. All the respondents are women working as primary school teachers (Dáša, Lucie, Jana, Danka, Blanka, Dominika, Karolína).In the research we deal with the following areas: interpersonal relationships at the workplace, communication and cooperation with pupils' parents, and the teacher-pupil relationship.The most important results of this research are as follows. The respondents are aware of and perceive the decreasing authority of the teacher today. They point out that the teacher's authority has degraded in the eyes of pupils, parents, and society. The most widespread problem faced by teachers is the disruptive behavior of pupils, which may interfere with teaching.Moreover, today's teachers sometimes have to deal with parents who are completely uncritical of their children, whom they trust completely. When problems arise, these parents never see the root cause in their child but in other classmates or, most frequently, in the teacher. If a child receives a bad grade, these parents are willing to go to the teacher and try to find the error on their side rather than in their own children.
BASE
The paper offers a case study of the Marianske Lazne administration as an example of the New Public Governance (NPG) approach ed in the Czech Republic. The focus is on the particular pillars representing the features of NPG. Until now, five months after the general election, the particular attention of the Pirate Party on the determinants of NPG objectives could be observed through: making all meetings of the board's expert commissions accessible for the general public; publishing all documents discussed by the town's council on the internet; making all the town's banking accounts transparent; creating a department of internal audit separated from the rest of the administration; granting the status of a permanent guest at the board's meetings to a representative of the opposition; doubling the frequency of the council's meetings; preparing new rules of procedure facilitating the participation of citizens in the council's meetings; strengthening the communication channels between the council on the one hand and the chairpersons of expert commissions and directors of municipal organisations on the other; cancelling the positions with unclear benefits for the town; and making the rules of using municipal funds more transparent. There are still mo re evident measures expected in the areas of the second and third pillars of the Pirates' program, that is the provision of quality services for citizens and vicular and the positive development of tfie town's spa industry.
BASE
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 356-360
ISSN: 0023-5172
In: Revista Europea de Derecho de la Navegación Marítima y Aeronáutica, Band 28, S. 95-100
This book explores the issue of environmentally-induced migrations from the point of view of international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. Last few years have become a period of unprecedented growth in the number of studies devoted to the forced migration caused by climate change. The book by professor Jane McAdam, published by Oxford University Press, differs significantly from previous studies in this area. The focus of the author became a state responsibility for the situation of climate-change induced displaced people with a particular focus on legal aspects of this problem. The basis of the author`s considerations are four particular areas of public international law: international human rights law, international humanitarian law, international refugee law and international law of statelessness. The issue of climate change-induced displacement is now becoming a growing challenge for public international law. The growing number of climate change migrants becomes a challenge for the international istitutions dealing with humanitarian assistance. Sea level rise become a factor of specific legal problems, such as climatic deterritorialization of the state, state succession on the new territory, the status of people forced to leave their country submerged under the waters of ocean (forced migrants?, refugees?, stateless people?, citizens of the former country continuing its status within a new territory?).
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 75-95
ISSN: 2719-7131
The aim of the paper is to review the sources of vanishing professions. There is a hypothesis formed that the reason for vanishing professions are new technologies and usage of artificial intelligence. Confirming the hypothesis gives the reason to identify consequences and risks of vanishing professions on the Polish labor market. The method used to prepare this text was a critical analysis of the literature, the conclusion of which enabled to confirm the hypothesis.
In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 1
ISSN: 2450-5005
Rated both positively and negatively, Shinzō Abe has achieved a lot as prime minister. He contributed to a new perception of Japan in the international arena. During the eight years of his rule in power, his administration carried out reforms aimed at better coordination of security policy, strengthened the position of the prime minister in this field, and increased the involvement of the SDF in ensuring security. They resulted primarily from changes taking place in its security environment: the development of North Korea's missile and nuclear program, the assertive attitude of the People's Republic of China, and an increase in arms spending and the intensification of Chinese military activity in the region (around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and in the South China Sea). The article aims to analyze the changes in the security policy introduced during the rule of Shinzō Abe in the internal aspect.
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 151-163
ISSN: 2719-7131
The aim of this publication is to outline changes that have been observed in Poland and to present the place of the Polish industry, including production, services and international trade, since the accession to the European Union. Rating highly the role of industry and proper conducting of a pro-growth policy in Poland and the European Union, one part of the study concerns the analysis of basic indicators of the Polish industry structure and the final part the realization of the Europe 2020 strategy. The analytical description in the publication was enriched with a wide set of tables, as well as a crosssectional collection of information on industry in Poland and on the European Union member states in rank order. The high dynamics observed in Poland resulted, among others, from an over double growth in the production of electrical equipment, computers, electronic and optical products as well as of metal products. The Strategy Europe 2020 is a socio-economic development programme for Poland and the EU growth. The goal of the Europe 2020 strategy is to create the economy - based on knowledge, low-emission policies promoting environmentally friendly technologies, making an efficient use of resources, and also aiming at social cohesion.
In 1660, handfastning, signed and sworn by Frederick III, was revoked by reason of his assumption of the Danish throne in 1648. The annulment of the provisions of this act was the result of fundamental changes in the political system that led to the formation of absolutism in the Kingdom in the 1660s. These kinds of acts used to occur in Denmark from the mid-thirteenth century. Of special importance, especially for the development of Danish parliamentarism, was the handfastning issued by King Eric V Glipping under the pressure of the Danish nobility in 1282. This document, called in historiography Denmark's first constitution, constituted the existence of Hof, determined by historians as the feudal Danish parliament. This moment is considered as the beginning of the history of parliamentarism and representative rule in the Kingdom of Denmark. By issuing this exceptional act, the monarch committed himself for the first time in the history of Denmark to convene annually at a fixed time an assembly called the Hof, which was a representation of the magnates. Including this obligation within the framework of the law obliged the king to rule with the participation of the nobles, which led to a significant weakening of royal power with a simultaneous increase in the importance of privileged states. By acquiring a number of new and existing rights and freedoms, confirmed by the handfastning of 1282, they were able to impose their will on the king and participate in the rule of the state to a greater extent than before. Important provisions of this document also include the king's commitment that he would not imprison anyone without a court judgment, and other concessions of the ruler regarding judicial law, fragments regarding the so-called king's letters, as well as the limitations of numerous royal prerogatives, especially regarding tax entitlements. The provisions of this handfastning also confirmed the existing and newly established state privileges. ; W 1660 r. doszło do kasacji handfastning, podpisanego i zaprzysiężonego przez Fryderyka III w związku z objęciem przez niego tronu duńskiego w 1648 r. Anulowanie postanowień owego aktu było wynikiem zasadniczych zmian ustrojowych, które doprowadziły do ukształtowania się rządów absolutnych w Królestwie w latach 60. XVII w. Tego typu akty występowały w Danii od połowy XIII w. Szczególne znaczenie, zwłaszcza dla rozwoju duńskiego parlamentaryzmu, miał handfastning wystawiony przez króla Eryka V Glippinga w 1282 r. pod presją rodzimego możnowładztwa. Dokument ten, nazywany w historiografii "pierwszą duńską konstytucją", ukonstytuował istnienie Hof, określanego przez historyków feudalnym duńskim parlamentem. Moment ten poczytuje się za początek dziejów parlamentaryzmu i rządów przedstawicielskich w Królestwie Danii. Wydając ten wyjątkowy akt, monarcha po raz pierwszy w historii tego państwa zobowiązał się do corocznego zwoływania o stałej porze zgromadzenia zwanego Hof – będącego reprezentacją możnowładztwa duchownego i świeckiego. Ujęcie w ramy prawne tego obowiązku obligowało króla do sprawowania rządów przy udziale możnych, co prowadziło do znacznego osłabienia władzy królewskiej przy jednoczesnym wzroście znaczenia stanów uprzywilejowanych. Nabywając szereg nowych oraz już występujących praw i wolności, które potwierdzał handfastning z 1282 r., w większym niż dotychczas stopniu miały one możliwość narzucenia swojej woli władcy i uczestnictwa w sprawowaniu rządów w państwie. Do ważnych postanowień tego dokumentu należy zaliczyć również zobowiązanie się króla, że nie będzie nikogo więził bez wyroku sądowego, oraz inne ustępstwa władcy dotyczące prawa sądowego, fragmenty odnoszące się do wystawiania tzw. listów królewskich, a także ograniczeń licznych regaliów królewskich, szczególnie w zakresie zwyczajowo przysługujących monarsze uprawnień podatkowych. W postanowieniach tego handfastning potwierdzone zostały też dotychczasowe oraz nowe przywileje stanowe.
BASE