Comprises an exchange of letters, in Spanish with English translation, between the Chilean legation in Bolivia and the Bolivian Dept. of Foreign Relations. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.
In this occasional paper prepared for UNDP, the authors review the changes in decentralization in Chile that have accompanied the changes in political regimes and some of their effects on various dimensions affecting the human condition. Section II provides an overview of the decentralization process, while Section III provides a more detailed discussion of the nature and extent of decentralization achieved, both under Pinochet and since, including changes in the system currently being instituted. Section IV assesses the qualitative and quantitative impact of these decentralization measures; Section V presents some conclusions.
The research provides an in-depth analysis of the land sector in Chile from a governance perspective, based on internationally accepted concepts and indicators. The study argues that the land sector in Chile presentes critical problems which hinder severely the achievement of several political goals aiming at poverty reduction, economic growth and environmental sustainability. The country is characterized by high socioeconomic inequality and by a rather discriminatory approach to development, especially with respect to its land. The study presents evidence showing that although in some aspects the situation of land governance is positive or improving, in many others the conditions are unsatisfactory and either stagnated or deteriorating. ; Die Dissertation bietet eine detaillierte Analyse des Landsektors in Chile aus einer Governance-Perspektive, basierend auf international akzeptierten Konzepten und Indikatoren. Es wird argumentiert, dass der Landsektor in Chile kritische Probleme aufweist, die die Erreichung zahlreicher politischer Ziele, die auf Armutsbekämpfung, Wirtschaftswachstum und ökologische Nachhaltigkeit abzielen, schwer behindern. Das Land ist gekennzeichnet durch eine hohe sozioökonomische Ungleichheit und eine eher diskriminierende Herangehensweise hinsichtlich der Planung und Implementierung von entwicklungsrelevanten Maßnahmen, insbesondere in Bezug auf Land.
The conmeration of the 200 years of the Independence of Chile was in September 2010. This year was also the political change from the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia to the right political wing chilean political parties. During the last 20 years the Goverment of Chile was in the hands of the center left coalition, after the dictatorship period of Gral Augusto Pinochet end in 1990. During two decades the state aplied social policies in order two develop the indigenous comunities, specially the mapuche comunities of the south of Chile. During 2010 the research proyect named "Conmemoraciones y memorias subalternas" tried to understand the current situation of the comunities, the conflict and others aspects of the indigenous situation. This paper is part of those research. ; El Bicentenario de la República de Chile se conmemoró en el mes de septiembre del año 2010. Además de marcar un importante hito histórico, coincidió con un cambio político en el Gobierno del país, el que pasó de la Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia a la Alianza de partidos formada por la derecha chilena. Se cumplieron por tanto 20 años desde que en el año 1990 cambiara el Gobierno militar presidido por el general Pinochet. Ese largo tiempo, dos décadas, coincide con un período de políticas que el Estado ha implementado hacia los Pueblos Indígenas. El Proyecto "Conmemoraciones y Memorias Subalternas" ha realizado durante el año 2010 un conjunto de investigaciones de terreno y documentales tendientes a comprender del modo más objetivo y científico lo ocurrido en el período y por tanto la situación actual de las sociedades mapuches en sus complejas relaciones con la chilena. ; O Bicentenario da República do Chile comemorou-se no mês de Setembro do ano 2010. Junto com transformar-se num marco histórico, coincidiu com uma mudança política no Governo do país, que passou da Concertação de Partidos pela Democracia (centro-esquerda) à Aliança de partidos formada pela direita chilena. Cumpriram-se por tanto 20 anos desde que em 1990 mudasse o Governo militar presidido pelo general Pinochet. Esse longo tempo, duas décadas, coincide com um período de políticas que o Estado implementou para com os Povos Indígenas. O Projeto "Comemorações e Memórias Subalternas" realizou durante o ano 2010 um conjunto de pesquisas de campo e documentais tendentes a compreender do modo mais objetivo e científico o ocorrido no período e, por tanto, a situação atual das sociedades mapuches em suas complexas relações com a chilena. ; Para acceder al Artículo utilice el link: http://revistascientificas.filo.uba.ar/index.php/CAS/article/view/1377
Starting on 18 October 2019, Chile experienced the largest mass protests in its history. The movement was immensely broad in its demands and diverse in tactics and participants. The citizens' discontent went beyond solely one issue, addressing a more equal welfare system and social justice, among other things. But it was not only about street protests; the social movement also caused an avalanche in social media exchanges and initiated a dialogue among Chileans in the form of neighbourhood associations. This paper argues that long-standing inequalities, the inability of politics to address them, a growing distancing of the population from politics, and the process of the citizens' politicisation were the reasons for the mass protests.
Chile's long term social policy has produced very impressive outcomes in general health indicators, with a national health service established as early as 1952. During the years of the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-89) public health institutions were greatly affected, with sharp diminution in financing which affected investment and salaries. The democratic government initiated in 1990 faced a difficult situation, with underpaid staff and decrepit hospitals. The ministry took immediate action to improve salaries and start an ambitious health sector reform including investment in infrastructure, technology, and modern management. Decentralisation and autonomy, changes in payment for service mechanisms, and a public-private mix are the main objectives of this reform, keeping the public role as predominant in the proposed structure. This process has been affected by union unrest and public opinion dissatisfaction, which tend to present obstacles to progress in this complicated issue.
The conmeration of the 200 years of the Independence of Chile was in September 2010. This year was also the political change from the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia to the right political wing chilean political parties. During the last 20 years the Goverment of Chile was in the hands of the center left coalition, after the dictatorship period of Gral Augusto Pinochet end in 1990. During two decades the state aplied social policies in order two develop the indigenous comunities, specially the mapuche comunities of the south of Chile. During 2010 the research proyect named "Conmemoraciones y memorias subalternas" tried to understand the current situation of the comunities, the conflict and others aspects of the indigenous situation. This paper is part of those research. ; O Bicentenario da República do Chile comemorou-se no mês de Setembro do ano 2010. Junto com transformar-se num marco histórico, coincidiu com uma mudança política no Governo do país, que passou da Concertação de Partidos pela Democracia (centro-esquerda) à Aliança de partidos formada pela direita chilena. Cumpriram-se por tanto 20 anos desde que em 1990 mudasse o Governo militar presidido pelo general Pinochet. Esse longo tempo, duas décadas, coincide com um período de políticas que o Estado implementou para com os Povos Indígenas. O Projeto "Comemorações e Memórias Subalternas" realizou durante o ano 2010 um conjunto de pesquisas de campo e documentais tendentes a compreender do modo mais objetivo e científico o ocorrido no período e, por tanto, a situação atual das sociedades mapuches em suas complexas relações com a chilena. ; El Bicentenario de la República de Chile se conmemoró en el mes de septiembre del año 2010. Además de marcar un importante hito histórico, coincidió con un cambio político en el Gobierno del país, el que pasó de la Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia a la Alianza de partidos formada por la derecha chilena. Se cumplieron por tanto 20 años desde que en el año 1990 cambiara el Gobierno militar presidido por el general Pinochet. Ese largo tiempo, dos décadas, coincide con un período de políticas que el Estado ha implementado hacia los Pueblos Indígenas. El Proyecto "Conmemoraciones y Memorias Subalternas" ha realizado durante el año 2010 un conjunto de investigaciones de terreno y documentales tendientes a comprender del modo más objetivo y científico lo ocurrido en el período y por tanto la situación actual de las sociedades mapuches en sus complejas relaciones con la chilena.
The conmeration of the 200 years of the Independence of Chile was in September 2010. This year was also the political change from the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia to the right political wing chilean political parties. During the last 20 years the Goverment of Chile was in the hands of the center left coalition, after the dictatorship period of Gral Augusto Pinochet end in 1990. During two decades the state aplied social policies in order two develop the indigenous comunities, specially the mapuche comunities of the south of Chile. During 2010 the research proyect named "Conmemoraciones y memorias subalternas" tried to understand the current situation of the comunities, the conflict and others aspects of the indigenous situation. This paper is part of those research. ; O Bicentenario da República do Chile comemorou-se no mês de Setembro do ano 2010. Junto com transformar-se num marco histórico, coincidiu com uma mudança política no Governo do país, que passou da Concertação de Partidos pela Democracia (centro-esquerda) à Aliança de partidos formada pela direita chilena. Cumpriram-se por tanto 20 anos desde que em 1990 mudasse o Governo militar presidido pelo general Pinochet. Esse longo tempo, duas décadas, coincide com um período de políticas que o Estado implementou para com os Povos Indígenas. O Projeto "Comemorações e Memórias Subalternas" realizou durante o ano 2010 um conjunto de pesquisas de campo e documentais tendentes a compreender do modo mais objetivo e científico o ocorrido no período e, por tanto, a situação atual das sociedades mapuches em suas complexas relações com a chilena. ; El Bicentenario de la República de Chile se conmemoró en el mes de septiembre del año 2010. Además de marcar un importante hito histórico, coincidió con un cambio político en el Gobierno del país, el que pasó de la Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia a la Alianza de partidos formada por la derecha chilena. Se cumplieron por tanto 20 años desde que en el año 1990 cambiara el Gobierno militar presidido por el general Pinochet. Ese largo tiempo, dos décadas, coincide con un período de políticas que el Estado ha implementado hacia los Pueblos Indígenas. El Proyecto "Conmemoraciones y Memorias Subalternas" ha realizado durante el año 2010 un conjunto de investigaciones de terreno y documentales tendientes a comprender del modo más objetivo y científico lo ocurrido en el período y por tanto la situación actual de las sociedades mapuches en sus complejas relaciones con la chilena.
This article describes findings of a research about frontline interprofessional practices considering the impacts of neoliberalism in social intervention and the seeking of social justice as an inescapable political horizon in the current moment. Drawing upon qualitative and quantitative methods, the results suggest that interprofessional practices are affected by diverse elements related to such neoliberal rationality: the unstable, overwhelming and precarious labour conditions of frontline professionals, the excessive confidence in their entrepreneurial capacities, the reinforcement of unequal professional statuses and the reproduction of individualistic and competitive understandings of professional action. ; Se presentan los resultados generales de una investigación sobre trabajo interprofesional en la implementación de programas sociales, discutiéndolos a la luz de los impactos de la racionalidad neoliberal y desde una perspectiva que pone las discusiones sobre justicia social como un horizonte político insoslayable en el momento actual. Basado en la aplicación de un diseño mixto de investigación, incluyendo técnicas de producción de datos cuantitativas y cualitativas, los resultados del estudio sugieren que el trabajo interprofesional presenta una serie de nudos críticos que se relacionan con esta racionalidad neoliberal: las condiciones laborales inestables, sobrecargadas y precarias de las/os profesionales, la confianza excesiva en su capacidad emprendedora, la construcción de un estatus desigual entre las profesiones y la reproducción de lógicas individualistas y competitivas en las prácticas cotidianas.
There is a clear progress and legal, political and social construction around abortion and its decriminalization, the bill passed by the Chamber of Deputies in Chile, is the first concrete and legislative act that a government performs after the amendment that in 1989, the dictator Augusto Pinochet formalized in article 119 of the health code, prohibiting abortion in all its forms. While this progress is seen in the adoption of the project seeking to decriminalize abortion in Chile, it is possible to note that compulsory motherhood clearly exceeds the three proposed causes; danger to the mother's life, lethal fetal inviability and pregnancy resulting from rape. Women will continue to abort in precarious and clandestine conditions, suppressed by the patriarchal system to a violent and accusing space, conditioned by archaic and sexist regulations, being tried by a murderous state. ; Existe un claro avance y construcción legal, política y social en torno al aborto y su despenalización, el proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cámara de Diputados en Chile, es el primer acto concreto y legislativo que efectúa un gobierno después de la modificación que en 1989, el dictador Augusto Pinochet formalizó en el artículo 119 del código sanitario, prohibiendo el aborto en todas sus formas. Si bien, ese progreso se observa en la aprobación del proyecto que busca despenalizar el aborto en Chile, es posible señalar que la maternidad obligatoria supera claramente las tres causales propuestas; peligro para la vida de la madre, inviabilidad fetal de carácter letal y embarazo producto de una violación. Las mujeres seguirán abortando en condiciones precarias y clandestinas, reprimidas por el sistema patriarcal a un espacio violento y acusador, condicionadas por normativas arcaicas y sexistas, siendo juzgadas por un Estado asesino.
The situation in Chile after the Constitutional Referendum of October 2020 posits the question: Where is the country headed? Is this the end of a long transition from "adolescent" neoliberal democracy to "mature" welfare democracy—or the start of a new era of uncertainty? Without substantial improvements of the constitutional reform process, its building stones and surrounding conditions, the country is not ready for a systemic transition in reconciliatory and secure manners.
This paper evaluates the effect of an anti-poverty program, Chile Solidario, during its first two years of operation. We find that the program tends to increases significantly their take-up of cash assistance programs and of social programs for housing and employment, and to improve education and health outcomes for participating households. There is no evidence that the participation to employment program translates into improved employment or income outcomes in the short term. Finally, we provide suggestive evidence of the key role that the psycho-social support had in enabling this change, by increasing awareness of social services in the community as well as households' orientation towards the future.
This essay emphasizes some true conceivable links existing between three historical phenomena. At first, the remarkable german influence on Chile's institutions and public life since the XIX century. Secondly, the concrete phenomena of local Nazism in the 30's and 40's decades of the XX century. On third place, the annihilation practices of the dictatorial apparatus, committed between 1973 and 1988. Particularly, the essay asks about the basis upon which these three events are interlocked, having as a tragic culmination the crimes on "Colonia Dignidad" ("Dignity" settlement) during the dictatorship period. On this german enclave in south Chile aberrant practices took place in previous periods. In the 70's and 80's decades, this place openly served as an annihilation center for political adversaries of the military regime. ; Este artículo pone en relieve algunos vínculos fidedignos concebibles entre tres fenómenos históricos. Primero, la notable influencia alemana en las instituciones y vida pública de Chile desde el siglo XIX. Segundo, el fenómeno concreto del nazismo criollo en las décadas los treinta y los cuarenta del siglo XX. Tercero, las prácticas de exterminio cometidas por los aparatos de la dictadura, entre 1973 y 1988. Particularmente, el artículo se pregunta acerca de las bases sobre las cuales estos tres acontecimientos se entrelazan, teniendo como culminación trágica los crímenes de Colonia Dignidad durante la dictadura. En este enclave alemán del sur de Chile se habían desarrollado prácticas aberrantes en periodos previos. En las décadas de los 70' y 80', el lugar funcionó abiertamente como centro de eliminación de opositores al régimen militar.
Transitions to democracy from authoritarian governments imply a rupture when passing from a State with Law to a State of Law. However, not all processes are rupturist, they can be reformist and this occurs when the personnel appointed in the non-democratic era continue to occupy the «State apparatus». This situation was experienced in Chile. The transition began with the plebiscite of October 5, 1988, in which the citizens rejected the political project of the dictatorship and, subsequently, with the victory of the Concertación por la Democracia in the 1989 elections, which implied support for the rupturist theses. However, a partial constitutional reform had been agreed upon, and the leaders of the Concertación, both Christian Democrats and Socialists, paralyzed any kind of mobilization and opted to implement reformist policies.The behavior of the Concertación during the presidencies of Aylwin and Frei Ruiz Tagle, Christian Democrats, and Lagos and Bachelet, Socialists, produced unquestionable changes in a democratizing sense, dismantling the «authoritarian enclaves», giving rise to policies on the past (Rettig Report and Valech Reports), improving relations with the Armed Forces, in short, seeking «democratic normalization». But at the same time, it proved incapable of creating the Welfare State, of dealing with social inequalities, contributing to the deregulation of the economy. The State abandoned any social function. The result was the growing distrust of young people towards their rulers, the increasing awareness of women of their discrimination in society, and the inability to deal with the indigenous issue. Young people, women and indigenous people felt forgotten and waited for their opportunity to use democratic means to bet on the re-foundation of the State, that is to say, to carry out the rupture that had not taken place during the transition.The mobilizations that occurred between October 2019 and March 2020 expressed the rejection of economic inequalities, low pensions or the malfunctioning of the ...
El rechazo de la cultura evangélica en Chile está muy arraigado. Tiene que ver con factores sociales, culturales y económicos, que luego se reproducen en lo político y jurídico. Los evangélicos están asociados a la pobreza (aporofobia), la baja escolaridad y el fanatismo; y por otro lado, la aprehensión cultural indígena. Es decir, se trata de un "rechazo de piel", que se transforma en una discriminación fenotípica. En otra dimensión, este rechazo no es epidérmico sino por los valores; porque el discurso evangélico se torna matricida, patrifílico y marianicida, frente a una sociedad marianista, donde predomina la reproducción del mito del padre ausente y la deificación de la madre. Frente a ello, el discurso evangélico resulta iconoclasta. ; The rejection for evangelical culture in Chile is deeply-rooted. It has to do with social, cultural, and economic factors that are reproduced later in political and legal scenarios. Evangelicals are associated with poverty (aporofoby), low education, fanaticism, and on the other hand by their indigenous cultural apprehension. This can be called "complexion rejection", which becomes a phenotypical discrimination. In another dimension this rejection is not epidermal but of values; because evangelical discourse turns matricidal and father-loving, as opposed to a Marianist society, where the reproduction of the myth of the absent father and deified mother predominates. Compared to this, evangelical discourse appears iconoclastic. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada