Suchergebnisse

Kineska komunistička partija (KPK) dominira političkom scenom Kine kao stub jednopartijskog sistema od 1949. godine, odnosno konstituisanja Narodne Republike Kine, pa sve do danas. Iako se ekonomski sistem današnje Kine umnogome razlikuje od onoga što se podrazumijeva pod komunističkim sistemom, KPK je zadržala komunističku retoriku koju vješto prilagođava novom ekonomskom modelu. Takođe, sam način vladanja je doživio određene promjene. Najznačajnija je svakako prelazak s vladavine jakih lidera na sistem kolektivnog liderstva. Sama tranzicija u vrhu partije je institucionalizirana i predstavlja jedan kompleksan način promjene vladajuće strukture, koji se posljednjih godina dešava mirnim putem. Iako ga mnogi smatraju za posljednjeg apsolutnog lidera KPK-a, Deng Xiaoping je uveo reforme koje su bile esencijalne za pojavu kolektivnog liderstva. Naime, on je bio inicijator dviju značajnih reformi koje su povele Kinu u tom pravcu. Jedna je svakako usvajanje penzijskog sistema za čitavu administraciju, a prije svega za lidere, te uvođenje limita od dva mandata za sve glavne funkcije. Ovakav način vladanja sprječava pojavu jakog lidera i pojavu diktature. Iako sistem ima svojih mana, on Kinu čini predvidivom silom u kojoj se važne odluke donose konsenzusom među raznim frakcijama u partiji. ; The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained control over the Chinese political system since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. Although the Chinese economic system has experienced a drastic change, passing from socialist to more market-oriented economy, the CCP maintained the communist rhetoric that has been adapted to a new reality. Though the political system suffered significant modifications, it never made a U-turn towards liberal democracy. Yet, the most important reform is the transition from a country ruled by a strong leader, to what has been called a collective leadership. Accordingly, the leadership transition has been somehow institutionalized and became a complex process, which is happening in a peaceful way, avoiding major political turbulences. Deng Xiaoping, even though he could be indicated as the last absolute leader of China, promoted the reforms that eventually led to creation of collective leadership and a peaceful leadership transition. The most important aspects were the implementation of the pension system for administration and the top leadership positions, and the establishment of a maximum of two terms in office for all major positions in the country. The collective leadership prevents the possibility of a one-man show and the creation of a dictatorship. Although the system has its discrepancies, it makes PR China a predictable power in which the consensus-based decisionmaking process is intended to avoid struggles among various fractions and leaders in the Party.

Protukomunističke gerile su naoružane skupine koje su se u poratnome razdoblju suprotstavljale novouspostavljenomu komunističkom režimu. Širokobriješka protukomunistička gerila bila je jedna od najbrojnijih u zapadnoj Hercegovini poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata, a vojno i politički organizirali su se u lipnju 1946. te utemeljili Prvi hercegovački ustaško-križarski zdrug pod zapovjedništvom ustaškoga satnika Bože Mandića. Politički cilj protukomunističke gerile bio je rušenje komunizma zbog zločina koje su partizani počinili nad Hrvatima i drugim narodima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova završetka. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) označila je navedenu gerilu kao prijetnju za proces uspostave vlasti. Pomoću represivnoga aparata KPJ organizirala je niz kaznenih ekspedicija s ciljem likvidiranja istih na prostoru zapadne Hercegovine. Protukomunistička gerila je u poraću, u borbi za život, u uvjetima stalnih sumnjičenja, izdaja i pogibija od strane tajne policije KPJ, počinila zločine najčešće prema narodnim odbornicima, njihovim obiteljima i članovima Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). Agenti UDBA-e u početku nisu imali uspjeha u likvidaciji protukomunističke gerile te je KPJ utemeljenjem dobrovoljačke milicije i angažiranja uhoda po selima organizirala niz kaznenih ekspedicija u kojima su agenti UDBA-e od 1946. do 1948. pobili većinu širokobriješke protukomunističke gerile. Preostale uhvaćene širokobriješke gerile osudili su na smrt strijeljanjem ili na višegodišnju robiju. ; Anti-communist guerrillas are armed groups who opposed the newly established Communist regime in the post-war period. Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla was one of the most numerous in West Herzegovina after the Second World War. They were organized militarily and politically in June 1946 and established the First Herzegovinian Ustasha Crusader Association under the command of Ustasha captain Božo Mandić. Political aim of the anti-communist guerrilla was destroying communism because of the crimes done by Partisans over Croats and other nations before the end of the Second World War and after its end. Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) labeled the mentioned guerrilla as a threat to the process of establishing authority. Using the repressive apparatus KPJ organized numerous punitive expeditions in order to eliminate mentioned guerrillas at the territory of West Herzegovina. Fighting for life in the post-war period, constantly suspected, betrayed and executed by the secret police of KPJ, anti-communist guerrilla committed crimes mostly against national councilors, their families and members of the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ). UDBA agents were not successful in eliminating the anti-communist guerrilla at the beginning. After establishment of Dubrovnik Militia and engaging spies in villages KPJ organized numerous expeditions from 1946 to 1948 in which UDBA agents killed majority of Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla. Other captured members of the guerrilla were sentenced to death by firing squad or to multiannual imprisonment.

U ovom radu autor na temelju dostupne literature, arhivske građe i onodobnog tiska analizira političku scenu u Virovitici i virovitičkom kotaru uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata, s posebnim naglaskom na analizi društvene i organizacijske strukture, te ideoloških specifičnosti virovitičkih pristaša Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava), jedne od pravaških stranaka, koja je u ovom razdoblju bila među najutjecajnijim političkim strankama na tom području. Koristeći u ovom radu između ostaloga i prozopografsku metodu, prema kojoj se zaključci o nekoj skupini izvode iz životopisa njezinih članova, autor je zaključio, da je Čista stranka prava u Virovitici prve korake napravila uz pomoć virovitičkih mađarona, no da je znatniji broj pristaša dobila postupnim osipanjem pristaša Hrvatske stranke prava. ; In this paper by means of using available literature, archive sources and printed materials of that time, the author analyses political scene in Virovitica and district of Virovitica on the eve of the First World War, with special emphasis on analysis of social and organisational structure and ideological specificities of the inhabitants of Virovitica who were supporters of the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević's Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights), one of the parties of right, which in this period belonged among the most influential political parties in that area. In this paper the author used, among other means, also the prosopographical method, by which the conclusions about a specific group can also be derived from biographies of its members, which led him to believe that the Pure Party of Rights made its first steps inVirovitica with the assistance of pro-Hungarians from Virovitica, but gained a more significant number of supporters by gradual dropping out of the supporters of the Croatian Party of Rights.

Cilj ovog rada jest objasniti pojam i ulogu stranke za svo vrijeme trajanja upravnog postupka. Dakle, u ovom će se radu razmatrati aktualno pravo Republike Hrvatske koje se odnosi na institut stranke u upravnom postupku. U prvom dijelu rada govori se o samom upravnom postupku, tijeku upravnog postupka te o diferencijaciji pojmova upravnog postupka i upravnog spora. Također, navode se načela općeg upravnog postupka s posebnim naglaskom na ona načela koja se izravno odnose na položaj i prava stranke u upravnom postupku. U radu se pozornost usmjerava na institut stranke prilikom čega se analizira pojam te vrste stranke, pretpostavke za njihovo djelovanje te mogućnosti koje stranke imaju tijekom upravnog postupka. Uz analizu položaja stranke u upravnom postupku, pozornost se usmjerava i na ograničenja koja stranke imaju prema posebnim propisima te opravdanost istih. ; The aim of this paper is to explain the concept and role of the party in the entire administrative procedure. Therefore, this paper will consider the current law of the Republic of Croatia relating to the institute of a party in administrative proceedings. The first part of the paper discusses the administrative procedure itself, the course of the administrative procedure and the differentiation of the concepts of administrative procedure and administrative dispute. Also, the principles of general administrative procedure are stated, with special emphasis on those principles that directly relate to the position and rights of the party in the administrative procedure. The paper focuses on the institute of the party, which analyzes the concept of this type of party, the preconditions for their actions and the possibilities that the parties have during the administrative procedure. In addition to the analysis of the position of the party in the administrative procedure, attention is also focused on the restrictions that the parties have under special regulations and their justification.

Autor na temelju literature, stranačkoga tiska i arhivskih izvora, analizira ustroj i ulogu posebnih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova Čiste stranke prava (Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava / Stranke prava), zaduženih za organiziranje demonstracija i obračun s političkim protivnicima. Pritom polazi od tvrdnje hrvatske historiografije da je "borbenost" bila trajna odlika ove stranke, od njezinih početaka pa sve do konca Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, te smatra da se najranije od 1902. godine može pratiti neki oblik postojanja navedenih, manje ili više organiziranih dijelova stranke, zaduženih za mobilizaciju "ulice". Budući da je društvenu strukturu tih dijelova uglavnom činilo frankovačko radništvo i frankovačka mladež, autor svoju temu dovodi u odnos prema tadašnjim studentskim organizacijama i radničkom pokretu. Osim toga, autor svoju temu promatra i u odnosu prema vanjskoj politici Monarhije, te političkom stanju u banskoj Hrvatskoj. ; Based on literature, party print and archive sources, in this paper the author analyses the structure and role of individual, more or less organized segments of the Pure Party of Right (Starčević's Croatian Party of Right / Party of Right) charged with the organisation of demonstrations and conflict with political opponents. The starting point is the claim of Croatian historiography that flrebelliousness« was a permanent characteristic of this party from its beginning to the end of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author claims that some trace of such segments of the party, whose duty it was to mobilize flthe street«, can only be traced back to as far as 1902. As the social structure of these segments was mostly made up by Frankovci working-class members and youth, the author brings the topic into comparison with today's student organizations and workers' movements. The author also studies the topic in relation to the Monarchy's foreign policy and the political state of Central Croatia.

Tema ovoga rada je djelovanje Srpske demokratske stranke u razdoblju od konstituiranja prvog višestranačkog Sabora pa sve do početka srpske pobune u kolovozu 1990. Također, u radu se razmatra osnivanje stranačkih odbora i neuspješan pokušaj širenja u drugim republikama SFRJ te uloga vodstva i članova stranke u početku srpske pobune u Hrvatskoj. Rad je nastao na temelju dostupnih arhivskih dokumenata, svjedočenja i medijskih istupa stranačkih vođa. ; The topic of this paper is the activity of Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia from the establishment of the first multi-party Parliament to the outburst of Serbian rebellion in August 1990. The paper further tackles the establishment of party committees in other Yugoslav republics, as well as the role of leadership and party members at the beginning of Serbian rebellion. The work is based on available archive documents, testimonies and media outlets of party leaders. The secondary and tertiary sources have also been consulted, such as Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian and Herzegovinian media, as well as available monographs about circumstances current at that time. In the analyzed period, the party leader Jovan Rašković, who was present at most founding meetings in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Vojvodina and Serbia, played a crucial role in the establishment of new Serbian Democratic Party committees. However, his dream of becoming party leader among Serbs at Yugoslav level completely failed. In this period, Serbian Democratic Party started institutionally taking over authority in several Croatian municipalities, as this was an essential precondition for deciding on joining the newly established Community. Serbian Democratic Party policy was geared towards the creation of illegitimate and parallel institutions, which tried to match their decisions with Croatian Parliament's legitimate decisions. It was furthermore in line with the destabilization of Croatia's internal affairs, since Serbian Democratic Party correctly assessed that this line would be the first line of defence of Croatia's constitutional order and sovereignty. Additionally, there was turmoil within the party leadership. Jovan Rašković survived the first attempt, initiated by some party leaders, to shift from the presidency. However, Milan Babić overtook, supported by Serbian state politics, the leadership initiative. Within the same party, a differentiation was present between the supporters of Communist and of Chetnik ideologies. Nevertheless, this process did not question their negative attitude toward the new political circumstances in Croatia. Serbian Democratic Party itself was undoubtedly the initiator and organizer of the rebellion of the Croatian Serbs, while the role of low-rank party members was carrying out armed action in the field. All this was evidently done with the political support of Serbia and Yugoslav National Army. Additionally, Serbian Democratic Party stepped out of the regulal political activity by destroying Croatian constitutional order, thus becoming a terrorist organization and the core of personnel in the upcoming Serbian aggression on Croatia.

Rad pokazuje stanje istraživanja unutarstranačke demokracije u Hrvatskoj te nudi analizu participacije običnih članova u unutarstranačkim procesima stvaranja politika. Istražuju se formalna i stvarna razina participacije običnih članova u hrvatskim strankama kako bi se dobila slika o unutarstranačkoj distribuciji moći. Istraživanje je obuhvatilo osam stranaka: HDZ, HNS, HSU, HSS, HSLS, IDS, Most i SDP nakon parlamentarnih izbora 2016. godine. U prvoj fazi analizirani su statuti stranaka, a u drugoj su provedeni intervjui s visokorangiranim stranačkim dužnosnicima. Rezultati su pokazali kako je razina unutarstranačke demokracije i participacije običnih članova u procesu donošenja odluka o politikama izrazito niska. Također, analiza je otkrila visok stupanj koncentracije moći u rukama uskog kruga ljudi okupljenog oko predsjednika stranke u gotovo svim relevantnim strankama. ; The paper presents a contemporary study on intra-party democracy in Croatia and offers an analysis of the participation of ordinary members in the internal policy-making processes. Formal and actual participation of ordinary members in the Croatian parties are explored in order to get an insight of the intra-party distribution of power. The study included eight parties: HDZ, HNS, HSU, HSS, HSLS, IDS, Most and SDP in the period following the 2016 general elections. In the first stage, party statutes were analyzed, while in the second stage interviews were conducted with high-ranking party officials. Results show that the level of intra-party democracy and participation of ordinary members in the decision-making process on party policies is exceptionally low. The analysis also revealed a high level of concentration of power in the hands of a small circle of people gathered around the party president in almost all relevant political parties.

Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima. ; The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership's demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League's Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of 'democratic centralism'.

Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.

Neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskoga rata tiskani su priručnici za škole koji se od prijašnjih razlikuju implementacijom političkih ideologema kojima je cilj kroz nastavni proces ideološki indoktrinirati učenike. Usporedba prvoga poslijeratnoga izdanja Boranićeva pravopisa iz FNRJ (1947.) s izdanjem iz 1940. i analiza novonapisanih gramatičkih priručnika iz 1947. i 1948. (Brabec–Hraste–Živkovićeva Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije. Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja iz 1947. i Frol–Brabecov Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije iz 1948.) pokazuje da to vrijedi i za pravopise i gramatičke priručnike napisane za škole. ; Teacher's handbooks printed immediately after World War II, differed from the previous ones by introducing political ideologemes aimed at political in- doctrination of the students. The first post-war issue of Boranić's Gramatika (Grammar), published in Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in 1947, is compared to the 1940 issue and newly written 1947 and 1948 grammar handbooks are analyzed Croatian or Serbian Language Grammar Textbo- ok for Grammar School, Grades III (Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije, Brabec, Hraste & Živković; Word forming, Syntax and Dialects Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja, 1947; Our Langu- age: Grammar and Ortography Textbook for Elementary School, Grades VII and Grammar School, Grades I Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije, Frol & Brabec, 1948) and it is evident that the statement is also valid for grammar and orthography textbooks written for schools.