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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- PART ONE Introduction -- 1 From Comintern to Cominform -- 2 Differentiation and Pluralization Under Khrushchev -- 3 Decay in the Brezhnev Era -- 4 Gorbachev's Strategy -- 5 Modifications to Democratic Centralism -- 6 The Chinese Communist Party -- PART TWO Introduction -- 1 The Italian Communist Party -- 2 The French Communist Party -- 3 The Spanish Communist Party -- 4 The Finnish Communist Party -- 5 The Portuguese Communist Party -- 6 The Communist Party of Cyprus -- 7 The Chilean Communist Party -- 8 The Japanese Communist Party -- APPENDIX ONE Chronology of Communist Events -- APPENDIX TWO Strengths of Communist Parties -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX.

Founded in 1922, thePartido Comunista de Chile(PCCh) had a somewhat chequered career before the mid-1930s.1Although the prestige of its founder, Luis Emilio Recabarren, and its close ties with organized labour gave the party an early significance, its progress towards becoming an important force in Chilean politics halted abruptly when General Carlos Ibáñez came to power in 1927. Forced into clandestinity by Ibáñez, the party emerged on his downfall in 1931 with its membership vastly reduced, its trade union arm, theFederación Obrera de Chile(FOCH), moribund, and its remaining activists deeply divided by ideological, tactical and personal differences.

Based on Chilean, Soviet, American, and Italian declassified documents, this article examines a particular case in the global Cold War: the only international exchange of political prisoners during that period, involving the general secretary of the Chilean Communist Party Luis Corvalan and Soviet dissident Vladimir Bukovsky. It emphasises the intersecting agendas, purposes, and consequences of multiple state and non-state actors in this episode: from the governments of Chile, the US, and the USSR, to the Chilean Communist Party, the Soviet dissident movement, and finally to the European communist parties, Cuba, international solidarity, and human rights movements. Adapted from the source document.

En el Pleno de 1977, el PCCh estableció la tesis del Vacío Histórico en torno a lo militar, así como los lineamientos políticos para salir de él. Diversos fueros los afluentes militantes que comenzaron a llenar con reflexión y propuestas este vacío, la gran mayoría de ellos en el exilio. Este artículo, reconstruye y analiza la experiencia histórica y la trayectoria política de un contingente de militantes comunistas formados profesionalmente en las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Cuba a partir de 1975. Al respecto, sostenemos que el recorrido militante de este colectivo de comunistas, da cuenta de las complejas dinámicas partidarias internas, marcadas por la autocrítica inicial pos golpe de Estado y luego por las urgencias establecidas en función del término a la dictadura. De esta manera, el inicio del proceso de formación, la vida en las unidades militares, así como la producción política-teórica desarrollada por estos militantes en torno a la Política Militar del PCCh es un claro reflejo de las necesidades y vaivenes que experimentó el comunismo chileno en la década de los setenta, sobre todo en una temática esquiva dentro del debate partidario. ; From the "Historical Void" to the development of the military politics of the Communist party in Chile. Itinerary and political production of Chilean communist officers in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Cuba, 1975-1980. In the assembly of the central committee of 1977, the PCCh established the thesis of a Historical void on the military matter, and also the political guidelines to come out of it.Diverse were the militant tributaries that started to fill this void with forethought and propositions, most of them from the exile. This article rebuilds and analyzes the historical experience and political trajectory of a contingent of communist militants that were professionally educated in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Cuba since of 1975. Thereupon, we stand that the militant trajectory of this communist group, gave an account of the complex dynamics inside the party, highlighted by the initial auto critique post-coup, following the emergency instituted in function of the ending of the dictatorship. Thus, the beginning of the education process, the daily life in the military units, as well as the political-theoretical production regarding the military politics of the PCCh developed by these militants, are a clear reflect of the needs and the ups and downs that the Chilean communism experimented in the 70s decade, specially about an evasive subject inside the debate of the party.

Although Chile is a relatively small country, writings about the Chilean
party systems have long been better and more voluminous than is the case
with most party systems in Latin America. Several orthodoxies have
emerged in this literature: that Chilean parties are strong, that the party
systems have been divided into three roughly equal parts, and that they
have been relatively stable. The purpose of this article is to challenge these
three orthodoxies. These orthodoxies are not completely wrong, but they
need to be qualified.The dominant view that Chilean parties are strong has been overstated.
They have been strong in some respects and for some periods, but not in
others. Parties have traditionally dominated mechanisms of representation
in Chile's democratic periods, overshadowing unions, social movements,
and other forms of representation. Party penetration in the electorate,
however, has not been powerful. Parties have appeared and disappeared
with frequency, and most parties have been relatively weak organisationally.
More so than is the case in Uruguay, Venezuela from 1958 until
the 1990s, Costa Rica or most of Western Europe, Chile's democratic
periods have allowed space for anti-party populists to develop successful
political careers, including capturing the presidency.

In the Great Depression, numerous American writers and intellectuals were attracted to the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA). This chapter provides an institutional analysis of that political-literary experience, arguing that it is best understood through a prism of structure.