Suchergebnisse

This study of the struggle between the government of the Polish People's Republic and Solidarity in the years 1981-1984 discerns three key actors in Polish politics: the Communist party leadership and security apparatus, the arrested leaders of Solidarity, and the bishops and advisers of the Catholic Church. The PRL government made strategic decisions in this period regarding repression and liberalization. Following initial advanced preparation for the trial of eleven arrested leaders of Solidarity and KSS KOR, the government attempted to coerce the arrestees into leaving Poland, thus weakening the movement's legitimacy. The article demonstrates how the interaction between the leaders of the two sides – mediated by bishops and advisers – produced a new dynamic and a shift in the existing political mechanism. What was once a mass movement transformed into a more regular, staffed organization with a greater role played by leaders, who symbolized the continuity of the movement and enabled Solidarity to weather the period of repression. The article shows the changes and tensions in the Solidarity movement, along with the changes that were occurring in parallel on the side of the government and the mediating third actor, i.e., the Catholic Church. This case study of the strategic clash that occurred at the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the transformations that took place within the government and Solidarity – transformations that would prove crucial to the transition process in 1988-1989.

This chapter is an attempt to answer the question about the existence of premises supporting the obligatory equalization of the legal position of churches and other religious organizations and nonreligious ideological organizations. For this purpose has analyzed the legal status of entities, the attitude of the European Union to the discrepancies occurring in this field and the functions that the entities fulfill towards their members. Context for considerations are bills created in the years 2013–2019, concerning the replacement of the Church Fund tax write-off for churches and other religious organizations, and granting to nonreligious ideological organizations the right to a permanent, institutional dialogue with the state. ; Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o istnienie przesłanek przemawiających za obligatoryjnym zrównaniem pozycji prawnej kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych oraz niereligijnych organizacji światopoglądowych. W tym celu przeanalizowany zostanie status prawny badanych podmiotów w prawie polskim, stosunek Unii Europejskiej do rozbieżności występujących w tym zakresie oraz funkcje, jakie badane podmioty wypełniają wobec swych członków. Kontekst dla rozważań stanowią projekty ustaw powstałe w latach 2013–2019 dotyczące zastąpienia Funduszu Kościelnego obywatelskim odpisem podatkowym na rzecz kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych oraz przyznania niereligijnym organizacjom światopoglądowym prawa do stałego, instytucjonalnego dialogu z państwem.

This chapter is an attempt to answer the question about the existence of premises supporting the obligatory equalization of the legal position of churches and other religious organizations and nonreligious ideological organizations. For this purpose has analyzed the legal status of entities, the attitude of the European Union to the discrepancies occurring in this field and the functions that the entities fulfill towards their members. Context for considerations are bills created in the years 2013–2019, concerning the replacement of the Church Fund tax write-off for churches and other religious organizations, and granting to nonreligious ideological organizations the right to a permanent, institutional dialogue with the state. ; Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o istnienie przesłanek przemawiających za obligatoryjnym zrównaniem pozycji prawnej kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych oraz niereligijnych organizacji światopoglądowych. W tym celu przeanalizowany zostanie status prawny badanych podmiotów w prawie polskim, stosunek Unii Europejskiej do rozbieżności występujących w tym zakresie oraz funkcje, jakie badane podmioty wypełniają wobec swych członków. Kontekst dla rozważań stanowią projekty ustaw powstałe w latach 2013–2019 dotyczące zastąpienia Funduszu Kościelnego obywatelskim odpisem podatkowym na rzecz kościołów i innych związków wyznaniowych oraz przyznania niereligijnym organizacjom światopoglądowym prawa do stałego, instytucjonalnego dialogu z państwem.

Kasiak Mateusz, Gender in educational and public discourse of the Church. Analysis of the Pastoral Letter on the Sunday of the Holy Family. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 289–312, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.19. Gender as a category of cultural gender and gender identity appears not only in scientific discourse as a topic of research, but also in public discourse, as a subject of various debates and disputes. This concept was also included into the discourse of the Catholic Church. Its creators – church leaders – embarked upon a public reinterpretation of the concept of gender, thus inserting their point of view into the broader political and ideological dispute. The aim of this paper is to review the postulates of the church concerning gender in the Pastoral Letter on the Feast of the Holy Family, which seems to be a leading programme paper concerning this issue. In this paper, gender as a research and scientific category is isolated from the scientific discourse and appropriatedby the educational discourse of the church, where it functions as a scare tactic. Structural modifications in the text and style of the letter, stylistic and rhetorical tricks, as well as pragmatic mechanisms, make the text of the pastoral letter a persuasive political argument. ; Kasiak Mateusz, Gender in educational and public discourse of the Church. Analysis of the Pastoral Letter on the Sunday of the Holy Family. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 289–312, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.19. Gender as a category of cultural gender and gender identity appears not only in scientific discourse as a topic of research, but also in public discourse, as a subject of various debates and disputes. This concept was also included into the discourse of the Catholic Church. Its creators – church leaders – embarked upon a public reinterpretation of the concept of gender, thus inserting their point of view into the broader political and ideological dispute. The aim of this paper is to review the postulates of the church concerning gender in the Pastoral Letter on the Feast of the Holy Family, which seems to be a leading programme paper concerning this issue. In this paper, gender as a research and scientific category is isolated from the scientific discourse and appropriatedby the educational discourse of the church, where it functions as a scare tactic. Structural modifications in the text and style of the letter, stylistic and rhetorical tricks, as well as pragmatic mechanisms, make the text of the pastoral letter a persuasive political argument.

The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania). ; The declining years of the communist regimes towards the end of the 80s as well as the on-going process of a thaw in political relations was also reflected in the Vatican's policy towards Christians in Eastern Europe. The task was not easy as the hierarchs of the Orthodox Church in Russia were afraid of ecumenical slogans propagated by the pope. They even presented their own, competitive ideas, whose aim was to discredit John Paul II's diplomatic efforts. The Pope's policy towards churches in other European countries (Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland) did not assume a common approach as the fate of Christians there was shaped independently from each other and even with certain respect granted by the Kremlin towards the uniqueness of each country. The key aspect of John Paul II's policy towards the countries of Eastern Europe was the pursuit of spiritual renewal of Christianity in the East, which was supposed to be started with the pilgrimage to the USSR (Ukraine, Moscow and Lithuania).

The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.

The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.

The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.

The establishment of the Lithuanian state and the consolidation of independence in the Republic of Lithuania (1918–1940) was accompanied by the construction of an appropriate collective memory and the accompanying historical narrative. The Catholic Church in Lithuania at that time was an authoritative institution that influenced various spheres of domestic life in the country; therefore, it could also influence the collective memory. This article attempts to answer whether the Catholic Church in Interwar Lithuania sought to form a collective memory. It is stated that the Lithuanian Episcopate did not demonstrate a purposeful desire to form a collective memory because it did not have a clear and unified approach to the culture of memory. There were other reasons: at first it was hindered by the worries of creating an independent ecclesiastical province of Lithuania, and from the end of the 1930s the Church's relations with the government became strained, as the latter hindered the social activity of Catholic society. The Church did not specifically shape its own story about the creation of a modern Lithuanian state and the history of modern Lithuania. However, the Church turned to this past when, in defending the freedom of action of the Catholic Church, it wanted to emphasise the role of the Church in the creation of an independent state of Lithuania.