Suchergebnisse

Citizens, Elisabeth Gidengil, André Blais, Neil
Nevitte and Richard Nadeau, Vancouver, BC: UBC Press, 2004, pp. vii,
214.Citizens is one volume in a series designed to evaluate the
democratic performance of the institutions and practices affecting public
decision-making in Canada. The Canadian Democratic Audit (CDA) is based on
the premise that declining levels of public confidence in those
institutions and anemic participation rates in political and community
life dictate the need for a performance review. In Citizens, the
state of democratic citizenship is evaluated according to levels of public
involvement in civic and political activities, the extent to which these
participatory opportunities represent social diversity, and the potential
for these activities to reflect the collective interests of all Canadians.
The volume also assesses reform proposals to improve public participation,
inclusiveness and responsiveness.

This article explores the governing logics and political implications of citizen security in Puebla, Mexico, specifically, the Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (National Program for the Prevention of Crime, PRONAPRED). Taking a biopolitical perspective, the article centers on how citizens are produced through the application of citizen security initiatives. This production operates at two levels: the regulation of populations and the molding of subjects. First, vital statistics and risk-related variables highlight those populations that exceed the median for risk. Second, those at-risk groups are targeted for training to reduce their susceptibility to violence. Training focuses on the individual, asking citizens to identify and minimize risk in a manner that emanates from and contributes to security governance. The political ontology of citizen security is this citizen/citizenry coincident with official measures. The democratic aspirations of citizen security are consequently muted, as security governance locates citizens within the confines of state power and, at the same time, holds them separate from this power to produce citizen existence.

This article explores the governing logics and political implications of citizen security in Puebla, Mexico, specifically, the Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (National Program for the Prevention of Crime, PRONAPRED). Taking a biopolitical perspective, the article centers on how citizens are produced through the application of citizen security initiatives. This production operates at two levels: the regulation of populations and the molding of subjects. First, vital statistics and risk-related variables highlight those populations that exceed the median for risk. Second, those at-risk groups are targeted for training to reduce their susceptibility to violence. Training focuses on the individual, asking citizens to identify and minimize risk in a manner that emanates from and contributes to security governance. The political ontology of citizen security is this citizen/citizenry coincident with official measures. The democratic aspirations of citizen security are consequently muted, as security governance locates citizens within the confines of state power and, at the same time, holds them separate from this power to produce citizen existence. ResumenEste articulo explora las lógicas gobernantes y las implicaciones políticas de la seguridad ciudadana en Puebla, México. Analizado en relación a la Programa Nacional de Prevención del Delito (PRONAPRED), el articulo pregunta: ¿quién es el ciudadano de la seguridad ciudadana? Examinado desde una perspectiva de la biopolítica, el enfoque se centra en cómo los ciudadanos son producidos por medio de la aplicación de iniciativas de la seguridad ciudadana. Esta producción opera a dos niveles: la regulación de poblaciones y el moldeo de sujetos. En primer lugar, la población es interpretada por las estadísticas vitales y las variables de riesgo para mostrar las poblaciones que exceden el promedio. En segundo lugar, y en base de eso, los grupos riesgosos son el objeto de entrenamiento para reducir su susceptibilidad a la violencia. El entrenamiento se centra en los sujetos individuales, pidiendo a los ciudadanos a identificar y minimizar el riesgo en una manera que emerge de y contribuye a la gobernanza de seguridad. La fundación ontológica de la seguridad ciudadana es esta ciudadano/ciudadanía consistente con las racionalidades oficiales. Las aspiraciones democráticas de la seguridad ciudadana consecuentemente son reducidos, dado que la gobernanza de seguridad ubica a los ciudadanos dentro de los límites del poder estatal, y al mismo tiempo, los mantiene separados de ese poder para reproducir la existencia ciudadana.

Correspondence from the Coconino Citizens Association regarding issues involving Northern Arizona, such as the Hart Prairie development and the creation of the Grand Canyon as a National Natural Landmark. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: The Coconino Citizens Association (CCA) was founded in 1974. Its purpose was to encourage the "maintenance and improvement of the quality of life in Northern Arizona." The CCA was actively engaged in opposing the proposed Summit Properties development of the Hart Prairie area of the San Francisco Peaks.

Intro -- Contents -- Figures -- Foreword -- 1 Auditing Democratic Citizenship -- 2 How Much Attention Do Canadians Pay to Politics? -- 3 What Do Canadians Know about Politics? -- 4 Can Canadians Get By with Less Information? -- 5 How Much Do Canadians Participate in Politics? -- 6 How Civic-Minded Are Canadians? -- 7 Engaging Canadians -- Discussion Questions -- Additional Reading -- Works Cited -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

Includes bibliographical references. ; An ecological citizen is a citizen who is also ecological. But let's be more precise. Can you be a citizen of an ecology? Citizens belong to nation-states, and need a passport to leave and re-enter. You can't be a citizen of a forest or a grasslands. Or of the biosphere. Citizens wherever need ecosystem services. These goods are not provided by political or government sources. The air we breathe today was in China last week. Ecological citizens do have a major worry, the rise of the Anthropocene enthusiasts. Enter the civilized designer world. Now the citizens, at least the wealthy and high-tech ones, propose to choose and build their re-vamped ecology, their "synthetic Earth." But yearning for a sense of natural place is a perennial human longing, of belonging to a community emplaced on landscape. That should be, the desire of every ecological citizen.

Americans are accustomed to thinking of terrorists as foreigners, typically from the Mideast or Afpak region. Probability, not xenophobia, underlies this belief, given the backgrounds of known terrorists and the hundreds of millions of people around the world who despise America's liberal culture, support for Israel, religious diversity, and much else. Those who wish to destroy American power, institutions, and ways of life tend to fit the stereotype. But not all terrorists come the Mideast or from abroad. Just since early May, three American citizens have been arrested in connection with bomb plots -- Faisal Shahzad, for the Times Square attempt, and the other two for international jihadist activities. These three Americans, of course, are not the first to be prosecuted for such crimes. Jose Padilla's dirty bomb plot and Timothy McVeigh's mass murder in Oklahoma City are some earlier examples of acts of terrorism perpetrated by treacherous Americans on American soil. And to further complicate things, an American citizen, Anwar al-Awlaki -- who is apparently orchestrating al Qaeda efforts from his haven in Yemen, including some of the citizen-conducted attacks inside the U.S. -- is being openly targeted for assassination by the CIA and the military. Needless to say, an executive branch decision to kill an American citizen without a trial raises extraordinary legal, political, institutional, and moral questions, particularly in the context of a war without determinate battlefields, opposing forces, duration, or clear goals. Adapted from the source document.

The present paper is framed within current debates about the need to rethink citizenship, especially with respect to the question of whether there is a legitimate place for emotion in the public sphere. Emotion has not traditionally been seen as a key to good citizenship, and there has been a fair amount of aversion among media critics towards the ''emotionalization'' of the public sphere and spectacular outbursts of public emotion. This paper looks at the coverage of the murders of Dutch filmmaker and journalist Theo van Gogh in 2004 and Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn in 2002, and shows that the issue is not simply whether emotions should be allowed in the public sphere or not, but rather how they are articulated and how they achieve different understandings of citizenship. ; Peer reviewed