Suchergebnisse

Dvojno državljanstvo postalo je bitna tema demokratske teorije i politike građanstva. Mnoge države s velikim useljeništvom dopuštaju ga ili toleriraju, a mnoge druge vode aktivnu politiku prema zadržavanju ili davanju državljanstva pripadnicima svoje iseljeničke zajednice u svijetu, tzv. dijaspori. Posebnu je važnost dvojno državljanstvo zadobilo u politici građanstva nekih država u srednjoj i jugoistočnoj Europi (Mađarska, Rumunjska, Srbija, Hrvatska) prema pripadnicima svojih manjina u susjednim državama kojima im je omogućeno nerezidentno državljanstvo. Dvojno državljanstvo smatra se posebnim pravom pripadnika manjina – sredstvom zaštite njihovih ljudskih prava te očuvanja nacionalnog identiteta, a takvu intenciju podupiru i europske institucije. U radu se analiziraju specifičnosti politika građanstva u državama s tim tipom dvojnog državljanstva, njihova zasnovanost na etničkom shvaćanju nacije i djelovanju političkih aktera koji ga održavaju, te utjecaj na politike prema manjinama i njihov položaj. ; Dual citizenship has become an important issue of democratic theory and politics of citizenship. Many countries with large immigration permit or tolerate it, and many others lead an active policy of retaining or granting citizenship to members of their community in the world, so-called Diaspora. The dual citizenship has gained particular importance in citizenship policies of some countries in Central and Southeastern Europe (Hungary, Romania, Serbia, Croatia) towards the members of their minority in the neighboring countries where they are allowed non-resident citizenship. Dual citizenship is considered a special right of minorities - a means of protection of their human rights and the preservation of national identity, and this intention is supported by European institutions. This paper analyzes the specificities of citizenship policies in countries with this type of dual citizenship, their dependence on the ethnic understanding of the nation and the work of political actors which are maintaining such understanding, as well as the impact on policy towards minorities and their position.

U ovom se radu istražuje odnos između nacije, nacionalizma, građanstva i strategija europskih integracija. Propituje se problem odnosa između 'nacionalnog' i 'građanskog' aspekta u postojećoj nacionalnoj državi i problem odvajanja nacionalnog od građanskog u nekim opravdanjima transnacionalnih političkih integracija. Propituje se i teza nekih autora da su i nacija i država zapreka afirmaciji građanstva kao univerzalnog statusa u slobodi i jednakosti svih. Zapravo, analizira se krucijalno pitanje je li neka transnacionalna politička organizacija moguća kao "zajednica građana" prema konceptu 'konstitucionalnog patriotizma' ili kao internacionalna zajednica "društva narodā" s "pravom narodā" na pretpostavkama političkog liberalizma ili pristojno uređene državne vlasti. Autor analizira i pojam 'nacionalizma' te neopravdanost njegova proskribiranja per se. Na kraju komentira i analizira uočene nacionalne (nacionalističke) strategije integracije u Europsku uniju. ; This paper explores the relationship between the nation, nationalism, citizenship and European integration strategies. It addresses the problem of the relationship between the 'national' and 'civil' aspects of the existing nation state and the problem of separating the national from the civil in some justifications of transnational political integrations. It also examines the thesis of some authors who claim that both the nation and the state are obstacles to asserting citizenship as a universal status in the freedom and equality of all. In fact, it analyses the crucial issue whether a transnational political organisation is possible as a 'community of citizens' in line with the concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or as an international community in the sense of a 'Society of Peoples' with the 'right of nations' under the assumptions of political liberalism or of a properly ordered state government. The author also analyses the concept of 'nationalism' and the unjustifiableness of its proscription per se. In the final section, he comments on and ...

The citizenship principle is again in vogue. Citizenship is defined by status, identity, virtues, & the ideal of social cohesion. Citizens are viewed as subjects, clients, & participants. The text describes the dilemmas about the various dimensions of citizenship. Contemporary adult education as part of lifetime education is closely linked to the citizenship principle, particularly active citizenship. In its various forms, it aids in establishing active citizenship & is altered in the process. 78 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's definition of a citizen is based on B. Barber's book, Strong Democracy (1984). The ideal citizenship is closely linked to the concept of democracy. In liberal democracy ("thin democracy") civic apathy & apolity prevails, so it is necessary to aim at "strong democracy." Strong democracy is the one that has strong citizenry, ie, self-governed citizens who actively participate in politics. This does not mean that representative democracy is to be relinquished; it is to be revived through the mutual cooperation of citizens. The civic virtue would be represented by "civility" marked by "empathy, respect, & neighborhood." In the revival of bourgeois democracy, particular attention is being paid to the new means of communications. The weaknesses of Barber's concept are, according to the author, equating citizens with neighbors, overemphasizing civic activity, & putting too much confidence in the latest technology (tele-voting). The concept of neighborhood is civically too narrow; the activist mobilization may pose a danger while the political confidence in new technologies is dubious. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The revival of the nation has shocked German intellectuals who think that the nation-state is historically obsolete & that new models should be upheld: the united Europe, a world community of responsible states, globalization of markets, a universe of human rights. The contrary tendencies in today's world are marked by giving up on huge political entities, which have been replaced by smaller nationality-based states. It seems that political freedom leads to the formation of nation-states based on democratic constitution. This process requires looking into the relation between the nation-state & democracy. The key for the explanation of their relationship can be found in the notion of nation. Citizenship mediates between the people (in its real manifestation as a social group), & democracy as a constitutional principle. It gives to the state as a personal entity legal structure on which to build a democratic form of the state & guarantees legally applicable taxonomies & limitations. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses the possibility, meaning, & definition of a prospective supranational identity, a concept assuming greater importance at the close of the 20th century. A primary focus of the analysis is on subjective interpretations of supranationality, eg, the correlation between supranationality & group identity. In an attempt to determine whether a true supranational identity actually exists, the elements that compose such an identity are defined: interdependence, normative universalism, global outlook, & world order. It is concluded that a supranational identity is not only extant, but necessary. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, I analyze Croatian citizenship policies in the post-communist context & argue that it is a very instructive case for understanding the citizenship conundrum that followed the end of the communist regimes in Central & Eastern Europe. Almost everywhere in post-communist Europe, & especially in the post-partition states formed after the collapse of socialist multinational federations, new citizenship legislation & administrative practices frequently resulted in creating three distinct categories of individuals: the included, the excluded, & the invited (more often than not ethnic kin abroad). I put a special focus on the transformations of the citizenship policies in Croatia & how the dynamic between the included, the excluded & the invited changed from nationalist Croatia in the 1990s to an EU-oriented Croatia in the 2000s. The analysis of Croatian citizenship policies allows me to suggest that post-Tudman Croatia can be seen as an exemplary case of ethnic democracy according to the criteria defined by Sammy Smooha. Adapted from the source document.

Describes the study of the evolution of the awareness (understanding) & the practice (activities, participation) of citizenship among Croatian high school students (the first new generation of full-age citizens). The research was conducted in line with similar models in relevant international studies, which enabled a comparative analysis. The analysis of the concept (basic theory) of citizenship was followed by a comparative analysis of the development & the distribution of the citizenship awareness & the yardsticks of the practice of citizenship among Croatian high school students. A number of indicators of the awareness of citizenship (civic identity, the model & the type of citizenship, the concept of the "good citizen," & the concept of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy), & several measures of the practice of citizenship (political interest, discussing politics, following news in the media, the expected conventional & protest political activism, political tolerance) have been used. The comparative analysis has shown that the Croatian students are in some aspects of citizenship at the level of students in many of the comparison nations, but that in others there are significant differences; eg, their level of political interest is significantly lower. The analysis has shown that there is a high awareness of the rights, but relatively a low awareness of the duties, which may be the main problem in the development of political culture of Croatian students & citizens. The expected conventional & protest participation among the Croatian students is significantly lower than among students from other countries. The research also shows that among Croatian students (that phenomenon has also been noticed in other countries) there is a significant discrepancy between, for example, the awareness of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy & the level of political tolerance: the high level of awareness of one's rights (freedom of speech, association, etc) coexists with a relatively low level of tolerance. Thus, it can be said that various inconsistencies tag & "burden" the evolution of citizenship among Croatian high school students. 13 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, I analyze Croatian citizenship policies in the post-communist context & argue that it is a very instructive case for understanding the citizenship conundrum that followed the end of the communist regimes in Central & Eastern Europe. Almost everywhere in post-communist Europe, & especially in the post-partition states formed after the collapse of socialist multinational federations, new citizenship legislation & administrative practices frequently resulted in creating three distinct categories of individuals: the included, the excluded, & the invited (more often than not ethnic kin abroad). I put a special focus on the transformations of the citizenship policies in Croatia & how the dynamic between the included, the excluded & the invited changed from nationalist Croatia in the 1990s to an EU-oriented Croatia in the 2000s. The analysis of Croatian citizenship policies allows me to suggest that post-Tudman Croatia can be seen as an exemplary case of ethnic democracy according to the criteria defined by Sammy Smooha. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the author analyses the innovations in the Treaty of Lisbon, in particular the ones related to the status of European citizenship, i.e. European citizens. Accordingly, he points out the fact that many authors who investigate the significance and reach of the Treaty of Lisbon as a constitutional surrogate fail to see the important innovations related to consolidation and development of the concept of European citizenship. In the first part, the author sketches out the evolution of the European citizenship concept from the first founding treaties of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Community. He concludes that the Treaty on European Union and the constituting of the EU as a supranational political community sui generis marked the beginning of practical realization of the European citizenship concept. This was carried out primarily through policy-measures and pilot-programmes, and then the discussion on the European Constitution incited the shift to a higher level of affirmation of European citizenship. The problem of European citizenship as a political project of construction of an European demos encounters many difficulties and contradictions, and the Treaty of Lisbon links the realization of European citizenship with the spreading of democracy, which has been at the roots of the European integration process from the originally projected model of representative democracy to the model of participative and immediate (direct) democracy. For this reason, the "European citizens' initiative" is an important innovation which provides a new stimulus to the realization of the European citizenship concept. It remains uncertain, however, how firmly this political idea can be established if in some of the EU member-states citizens are still treated as nationals, i.e. if they do not participate in public affairs of their nation-state as much as they should participate even at the very top of the pyramid of a multi-level governance system such as the EU. Adapted from the source document.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay discusses the orientations for preventing the slide toward apartheid States. Beginning with the phenomenology of present mass displacements, it asks: are non-citizens people, and what are the limits of popular sovereignty? Is freedom possible if a good part of denizens is a partly free group? Five concatenated axioms are posed: that 1. the right to hospitality (eventually, citizenship) is a central human right); 2. each State -- or analogous community -- should give all its denizens the maximum possible of citizen rights; 3. our value focus ought to be on immigrant policy and on integration; 4. the status of "unfree labourers" refuses the principle of "one person, one vote"; 5. "no taxation without representation." The long-run alternative is wars and terrorism or civil cohabitation. This would include a foreign economical policy of "co-development", and no participation in wars (except in a present aggression against Europe). If capitalism today condemns a growing majority of humans to psycho-physical misery and premature death, then we may be facing apartheid and global civil wars. Adapted from the source document.