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Eloísa Nos Aldás This chapter focuses on the practices and challenges faced by higher education (HE) in order to engage 'Generation Like' (Frontline 2014) , the generations who have grown up with social media, in learning to be critical, cosmopolitan and global political subjects. We present here a specific case study based on experience at the Universitat Jaume I of Castellón (UJI) , Spain, in the undergraduate degree course in advertising and public relations at the Department of Communication Sciences, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, in the subject of 'Communication towards Equality' (one term, fourth year) . This pedagogical project contributes to international discourses on global education (GE) by sharing evidence from an interdisciplinary approach that combines global citizenship education (GCE) with areas of media literacy and communication for social change, to explore and design an innovative syllabus on 'transgressive communication of social change'. This aims to train future. [.]

In the period of their independence, Latin American countries faced the challenge of building a political order, in which the legitimacy of power would adjust to the new republican values. This important challenge required more than simple reforms. Indeed, important transformations in the existing political culture and social order were required for the constitution of a modern citizenship. This new political structure would serve as a foundation of future democracies in the region. The early summoning of a National Congress in Chile and the popular election of representatives are two steps that reflect the attempts to organize a country based upon popular sovereignty, territorial representation of the provinces and the not corporate exercise of power. ; Las independencias impusieron a los países americanos el desafío de construir un orden político, en que la legitimidad del poder se ajustara a los nuevos valores republicanos. El desafío era enorme, ya que no bastaban las simples reformas. Se requerían profundas transformaciones en la cultura política y el orden social, para la constitución de una ciudadanía moderna, que fuera base de la futura democracia. La temprana convocatoria de un Congreso nacional y la elección popular de representantes, reflejan los intentos de organizar un país basado en la soberanía popular, la representación territorial de las provincias y el ejercicio no corporativo del poder.

AbstractThe growth of crowdsourced platforms for consumer products has opened many interesting research questions on the impact of consumers participating in such crowdsourced work. In this paper, we focus on consumers' psychological ownership of the crowdsourced product and the role it plays in the relationship between consumer work and consumer citizenship. Further, drawing on social comparison theory, we show that consumers' perceived amount of work relative to others is a boundary condition for this explanation. Finally, we examine the theoretical contributions and managerial implications of our findings.

This article introduces the concept of citizenship vocabularies and argues that these vocabularies serve as resources for civic and political action. Drawing on interviews with young adults, the author presents a conceptual mapping of citizenship vocabularies. Examples show how citizenship vocabularies play a role in constraining or enabling emerging repertoires of participation such as political consumption. The article concludes by briefly outlining an agenda for exploring the connections among political socialization, citizenship vocabularies, and political participation.

People with the label of "intellectual disabilities"1 are often objectified and devalued by master narratives of deviance, tragedy and lack. In this paper, we draw on poststructuralist and feminist resources (e.g. Deleuze & Guattari 1987 and Braidotti 1994, 2002, 2006a) to argue that a disabling society is uncivilized in ways that block the becomings of citizenship. We draw upon our work with self-advocacy groups in England and Belgium where self-advocates open up different life worlds. We shed light on their politics of resistance and resilience, and map how they, as politicized citizen subjects, move in a web of oppressive disability discourses. However, we suggest, as nomads, they set foot on the landmarks of their lives in a never-ending search for smooth spaces in which something different might happen.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the relationships between HR practice (four aspects), organisational commitment and citizenship behaviour at primary schools in Taiwan. The four human resource (HR) aspects include: recruitment and placement (RP), teaching, education and career (TEC) development, support, communication and retention (SCR), and performance and appraisal (PA).Design/methodology/approachWith the assistance from the school HR managers and using an anti-common method variance strategy, research data from 568 incumbent teachers in Taiwan are collected, analysed and evaluated.FindingsDifferent from prior studies, highlighting the merits of HR practice, the study discovers that HR practice may not necessarily contribute to citizenship behaviour. Teachers with positive perceptions of RP and TEC are more likely to demonstrate citizenship behaviour, whereas teachers with positive perceptions of SCR and PA are not. In addition, the study finds three moderators: affective organisational commitment (AOC), rank of positions, and campus size. The analysis shows that teachers with more AOC, higher positions and from smaller campus are more likely to demonstrate organisational citizenship behaviour (OCB).Originality/valueThe study provides a closer look at the HR-OCB relationship in Taiwan. It reveals that a positive perception of HR practice may not necessarily contribute to OCB occurrence. In addition, the results indicate that teachers have different views about varying HR aspects. Specifically, aspects of RP and TEC development receive relatively higher levels of positive perception, whereas aspects of SCR and PA receive relatively lower levels of positive perception. Questions arise as to whether HR practice may lead to more OCB at primary schools. If this statement is true, school managers shall think further of how to promote OCB using other policies, rather than relying on the HR practice investigated here.

This article reviews the recommodification of social policy in the context of financialised austerity capitalism and post-crisis welfare states. It sets out an understanding of recommodification as a multiple set of processes that involve the state in labour market-making, by shaping labour's 'saleability'. Under conditions of finance-dominated austerity capitalism, the article argues that recent dynamics of recommodification complicate the long established Piersonian observations. For Pierson, recommodification signifies how elements of the welfare state that shelter individuals from market pressures are dismantled and replaced with measures which buffer their labour market participation. This article examines ways in which recent policy trends in recommodification, whether by incentivising or coercive means, increase exposure to labour market risks and connect with the growing inequalities between capital and labour under post-crisis re/financialised austerity capitalism. This analysis is paired with a synoptic review of recent labour market trends and reforms across the European Union. As recommodification evolves, the insecurity it institutes raises fundamental questions about the underlying nature of social citizenship which are also addressed.

Companies across the world are struggling to keep the employees engaged and retained to their work. Moreover, today's workforce is increasingly seeking intrinsic benefits beyond the material rewards of a job. In this context, this study aims to assess the relationship between organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), workplace spirituality (WS) and job performance (JP) in a non-Western setting where primary quantitative research was conducted in an Indian setting. The sector under study was Banking, Finance, and Insurance Services (BFSI), given retention issues since the financial crisis of 2008. A statistically evaluated sample of 433 respondents was utilized to attain the findings. Results revealed a statistically significant positive relationship between OCB, WS and JP that was achieved through regression analysis. However, findings also showed that OCB is not a moderator between WS and JP. The gap in the research was addressed given the lack of studies determining the impact of OCB on individual job performance. Further, the impact was positively highlighted in the Indian context. The implications to the BFSI sector were made that required companies to promote a culture for voluntary work practices to enhance JP.