Resilient science: The civic epistemology of disaster risk reduction
In: Science and public policy: journal of the Science Policy Foundation, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 363-374
ISSN: 1471-5430
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In: Science and public policy: journal of the Science Policy Foundation, Band 43, Heft 3, S. 363-374
ISSN: 1471-5430
From the perspective of reflexive governance, this study probes into the transformative capacity and roles of government and civil society, and aims to determine how the authoritative developmental neo-liberalism state was challenged by civil society in democratization from the end of the 1980s, when it encountered a crisis of governance legitimacy. By analyzing the anti-petrochemical movement of the recent two decades, this paper recognizes the important historic line, and proposes that without innovative governance, a regime of expert politics with hidden and delayed risk will result in higher degrees of mistrust and confrontational positions by the public. In contrast to the government, local and civil societies are growing through the anti-pollution appeals of simple group protests into systematic and robust civic knowledge and strategic action. By administrative, legislative, judicial, and risk statement paths, such strategic mobilizations break through authoritative expert politics and reshape new civic epistemology. The process of reflexive governance is extremely radical. When two parties cannot commit to dealing with a high degree of mistrust, they will not be able to manage the more dramatic threat of climate change. Fundamentally speaking, a robust civil society will be an important driving power competing with government, in terms of constructing innovative governance.
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In: Doctoral thesis, UCL (University College London).
This thesis has examined the Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) controversy in Korea in terms of civic epistemology conceptualised by Jasanoff. The Korean BSE controversy occurred as a result of uncertainty over BSE being mobilised within complex political and economic contexts between Korea and the US, particularly over the issue of the import of US beef after 2003. The complexity of the interests impeded the Korean government from adopting a clear position on BSE risk in beef, and thus led to public distrust and massive public protests in 2008. The controversy demonstrated what I have called an authoritarian character of civic epistemology in Korea, such as the dominance of the government in knowledge production, public accountability limited to procedural form, and dependence on foreign authority. It can be ascribed to the traces of the development process which had been led by a powerful state and which relied on importing advanced countries' knowledge and skills. However, simultaneously, the controversy showed that this civic epistemology is in transition, challenged by a growing civil society and an increasing demand for public participation. In light of this, rather than a one-off phenomenon, the BSE controversy in Korea could be defined as a symptom of tension caused by friction between the ingrained approach to policy-making and increasing public awareness of democracy. This pattern of civic epistemology, I suggest, is a distinctive outcome of Korea's status as a latecomer country which has achieved compressed economic growth and recent political democratisation.
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AbstractFe MoncloaTeaching and Learning Participation: Latino Youth Civic Engagement in a High SchoolCivically and politically engaged Latino youth are the future for bolstering American democracy because Latinos are the fastest growing ethnic group in this nation, and they constitute more than half of the youth population in California. To support Latino youth civic participation, this study aims to understand high school organizational programs, practices, and policies that influence Latino youth civic engagement. This investigation is a comparative case study of the institutional factors that foster or impede high school Latino youth civic engagement. In this study I adopted Ogawa, Crain, Loomis, and Ball (2008) conceptualization of cultural-historical activity theory and institutional theory as an integrated framework and as a lens to describe and analyze four participation learning spaces, defined as spaces where youth have voice, influence and shared decision making. My observations and interviews were informed by an interpretivist and constructivist epistemology (Lincoln & Guba, 2000) and utilized ethnographic approaches . Data sources were comprised of 320 hours of participant observation field notes from October 2012 until November 2013, artifacts and interviews. I collected artifacts from the school and the school district. I conducted focused participant observation in two elective classes and two student clubs, and conducted formal interviews with 12 Latino youth from low-income families, 10 teachers, and two school administrators. I analyzed participant structures, goal mediated activity, and social interactions among teachers and youth, as well as youth peer processes that supported civic engagement.The findings of this study indicate that institutional pressures such as increased graduation rates and a focus on discipline, contributed to an absence of administrator leadership for civic engagement. Teachers who supported participation learning spaces had autonomy for the instruction and content of these spaces, and they exhibited organizational citizenship by giving the limited free time they had to support students' civic engagement. Teachers' style and choices, which were shaped by their training and personal experiences, influenced classroom or club climate, peer interaction, and pedagogy. This analysis is relevant to educators and administrators who wish to support Latino and diverse youth civic engagement in high schools, and for researchers interested in elective participatory learning environments.
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Climate change policy is a prime example for the growing importance of expert ad-vice to inform decision‐making. Consequently, a plethora of advisory bodies and pro-cesses have emerged around the world. However, there are marked differences in the way the interactions between science and politics are organized and practiced depending on a country's political system and culture. The degree of political compe-tition, the role of state vis-à-vis non-state actors and the dominant modes of interest mediation provide specific conditions for the ways expertise is consulted and used in decision-making. Against this background, the paper presents the landscape of scientific advice in Austrian climate policy and asks in how far the traditionally strong culture of corporat-ism in Austrian politics manifests itself in practices of climate policy advice. Concep-tually, the paper draws on analytical dimensions derived from the concepts of "na-tional styles of policy-making" and "civic epistemology". Methodically it bases on an interview series and a workshop with representatives from science, politics, and in-termediary organizations. Our analysis provides a differentiated picture: the neo-corporatist culture still leaves its imprint in Austrian climate policy advice. But at the same time, the emergence of a new policy field, such as climate policy, undoubtedly opens up possibilities for new actors and forms of policy advice.
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El contenido de este artículo tiene como referente la tesis doctoral sobre evaluación de competencias ciudadanas y la construcción de subjetividades, realizada como requisito de grado en el doctorado Sociología Jurídica e Instituciones Políticas de la Universidad Externado de Colombia.Se aborda la aplicación metodológica de la analítica socio-jurídica en el análisis crítico de los discursos y las prácticas oficiales sobre la formación ciudadana en Colombia. La implementación de esta analítica parte de la identificación de los determinantes ideológicos presentes en la concepción de competencias ciudadanas elaborada por el Ministerio de Educación Nacional de Colombia. Estos determinantes ideológicos están ligados a la concepción de la ética que desde la filosofía (Kant, 1993) la sociología (Durkheim, 2002), la psicología (Freud, 1993), la epistemología genética (Piaget, 1977), el desarrollo moral (Kohlberg, 1992) y la comunicación (Habermas, 1991), están presentes en los enunciados, discursos y prácticas sobre formación ciudadana.A partir del análisis de los determinantes ideológicos, se presenta una reelaboración del concepto de competencias ciudadanas que se constituye en un articulador de las variables presentes en el diseño de la matriz relacional para la alternatividad de la educación ciudadana, cuyo sentido está ligado con la elaboración de propuestas encaminadas a la implementación de nuevos modelos de educación ciudadana. Desde esta perspectiva, se presenta la investigación reseñada, como un referente para profundizar sobre los estudios de ciudadanía que se adelantan actualmente en Colombia y otros países de América Latina. ; The contents of this article is based on a doctoral thesis on the evaluation of citizen competencies and the construction of subjectivities, carried out as a requirement for the doctoral degree in Legal Sociology and Political Institutions of the Universidad Externado de Colombia. The methodology employed is sociological and legal analytic with regards to the critical analysis of official discourses and practices on civic education in Colombia. The implementation of this analytical component comes from the identification of the ideological determinants present in the conception of civic competencies developed by the Colombian Ministry of National Education. These ideological determinants are linked to the conception of ethics that, from philosophy (Kant, 1993), sociology (Durkheim, 2002), psychology (Freud, 1993), genetic epistemology (Piaget, 1977), moral development (Kohlberg, 1992) and communication (Habermas, 1991) are present in the statements, speeches and civic education practices. From the analysis of the ideological determinants, the article offers a reworking of the concept of civic competencies that constitutes an articulator of the variables in the design of the relational matrix for alternativity with regards to civic education, whose meaning is linked to the development of proposals for the implementation of new models of civic education. From this perspective, the following paper presents a reviewed research as a referent to deepen on civic studies underway in Colombia and other Latin American countries.
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El contenido de este artículo tiene como referente la tesis doctoral sobre evaluación de competencias ciudadanas y la construcción de subjetividades, realizada como requisito de grado en el doctorado Sociología Jurídica e Instituciones Políticas de la Universidad Externado de Colombia.Se aborda la aplicación metodológica de la analítica socio-jurídica en el análisis crítico de los discursos y las prácticas oficiales sobre la formación ciudadana en Colombia. La implementación de esta analítica parte de la identificación de los determinantes ideológicos presentes en la concepción de competencias ciudadanas elaborada por el Ministerio de Educación Nacional de Colombia. Estos determinantes ideológicos están ligados a la concepción de la ética que desde la filosofía (Kant, 1993) la sociología (Durkheim, 2002), la psicología (Freud, 1993), la epistemología genética (Piaget, 1977), el desarrollo moral (Kohlberg, 1992) y la comunicación (Habermas, 1991), están presentes en los enunciados, discursos y prácticas sobre formación ciudadana.A partir del análisis de los determinantes ideológicos, se presenta una reelaboración del concepto de competencias ciudadanas que se constituye en un articulador de las variables presentes en el diseño de la matriz relacional para la alternatividad de la educación ciudadana, cuyo sentido está ligado con la elaboración de propuestas encaminadas a la implementación de nuevos modelos de educación ciudadana. Desde esta perspectiva, se presenta la investigación reseñada, como un referente para profundizar sobre los estudios de ciudadanía que se adelantan actualmente en Colombia y otros países de América Latina. ; The contents of this article is based on a doctoral thesis on the evaluation of citizen competencies and the construction of subjectivities, carried out as a requirement for the doctoral degree in Legal Sociology and Political Institutions of the Universidad Externado de Colombia. The methodology employed is sociological and legal analytic with regards to the critical analysis of official discourses and practices on civic education in Colombia. The implementation of this analytical component comes from the identification of the ideological determinants present in the conception of civic competencies developed by the Colombian Ministry of National Education. These ideological determinants are linked to the conception of ethics that, from philosophy (Kant, 1993), sociology (Durkheim, 2002), psychology (Freud, 1993), genetic epistemology (Piaget, 1977), moral development (Kohlberg, 1992) and communication (Habermas, 1991) are present in the statements, speeches and civic education practices. From the analysis of the ideological determinants, the article offers a reworking of the concept of civic competencies that constitutes an articulator of the variables in the design of the relational matrix for alternativity with regards to civic education, whose meaning is linked to the development of proposals for the implementation of new models of civic education. From this perspective, the following paper presents a reviewed research as a referent to deepen on civic studies underway in Colombia and other Latin American countries.
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In: Environmental politics, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1743-8934
Many political theorists argue that cross-cultural communication within multicultural democracies is not best served by a commitment to identity politics. In response, I argue that identity politics only interfere with democratic participation according to an erroneous interpretation of the relationship between identity and reasoning. I argue that recognizing the importance of identity to the intelligibility of reasons offered in the context of civic deliberation is the first step towards the kind of dialogue that democratic participation requires.
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This paper deals with the problem of philosophical and scientific (epistemological) reflection of the value assumptions in political thinking. The authors of the paper use the concept of civic consciousness to demonstrate the relationship of historical axiological senses of political thinking in the context of holistic comprehension of the state life of people.
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This paper deals with the problem of philosophical and scientific (epistemological) reflection of the value assumptions in political thinking. The authors of the paper use the concept of civic consciousness to demonstrate the relationship of historical axiological senses of political thinking in the context of holistic comprehension of the state life of people
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This paper deals with the problem of philosophical and scientific (epistemological) reflection of the value assumptions in political thinking. The authors of the paper use the concept of civic consciousness to demonstrate the relationship of historical axiological senses of political thinking in the context of holistic comprehension of the state life of people
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In: Global environmental politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 140-151
ISSN: 1536-0091
This article contributes to comparative environmental politics by integrating comparative analysis with debates about ontological politics as well as science and technology studies. Comparative environmental analysis makes two tacit assumptions: that the subject of comparison (e.g., an environmental policy framework) is mobile and can be detached from its contexts; and that studying this subject in more than one location can identify its diffusion and implementation anywhere. These assumptions are sites of ontological politics by predetermining (or restricting) environmental outcomes. Environmental analysis needs to consider how its own comparative acts might reify supposedly global frameworks rather than acknowledging how different localities appropriate and give meaning to them in diverse ways. The concept of civic epistemologies illustrates how domestic politics are organized around supposedly global concepts, rather than how global concepts diffuse around the world, as illustrated here by a comparative analysis of the United Nations' Green Economy Initiative.
In: Qualitative research journal, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 103-118
ISSN: 1448-0980
Purpose
– Taking Community Design Centers (CDC) in the USA as case studies, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of a type of service learning increasingly found in colleges of architecture. Typically, the CDC is a model of architecture's civic engagement that makes claims to "give back" to under-served communities and enhance student learning with applied architectural design work.
Design/methodology/approach
– This project is part of a long-term engagement as participant observer and ethnographer in the field of architecture. Fieldwork in this investigation is presented as four case studies in separate and specific contexts.
Findings
– Initial findings suggest there are conflicting intentions and aspirations at work through service learning in architecture and its implementation calls into question who or what is served. The author argues architecture's epistemology, pedagogical structure, and ideology precludes effective civic engagement.
Originality/value
– The value of this research is the understanding of how those with power and resources are able to frame their work in low-income communities as service, even though there is little of worth given. It also demonstrates how stratification is reinforced through institutional arrangements in the USA.
Habermas claims that an inclusive public sphere is the only deliberative forum for generating public opinion that satisfies the epistemic and normative conditions underlying legitimate decision-making. He adds that digital technologies and other mass media need not undermine – but can extend – rational deliberation when properly instituted. This paper draws from social epistemology and technology studies to demonstrate the epistemic and normative limitations of this extension. We argue that current online communication structures fall short of satisfying the required epistemic and normative conditions. Furthermore, the extent to which Internet-based communications contribute to legitimate democratic opinion and will formation depends on the design of the technologies in question.
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