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Cet article tente d'évaluer la responsabilisation des services de sécurité américains au lendemain du 11 septembre 2001 et dans le sillage de l'affaire Snowden. Afin de mesurer l'efficacité avec laquelle la responsabilité fonctionne dans le cadre des défis provoqués par les révélations de Snowden, nous utilisons un ensemble de critères pour ventiler la notion de responsabilité et établir des normes d'évaluation plus concrètes. Nous appliquerons ces critères à un dispositif de supervision récemment mis en œuvre aux États-Unis, le Conseil de supervision sur la vie privée et les libertés civiles.

Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows. ; Les libertés publiques ont toujours rencontré des obstacles affectant leur réel exercice en Tunisie. Les transitions démocratiques souvent invoquées par les dirigeants, se sont avérées des périodes au cours desquelles, cet exercice est le plus vulnérable. A chaque période, correspondent des priorités présentées par l'élite dirigeante pour justifier l'ajournement de l'exercice des libertés publiques. Les institutions politiques, l'organisation du pouvoir et le cadre normatif, ne permettent pas de dire qu'ils offrent un terrain favorable aux libertés publiques. Ces d.dernières, sont d'autant plus vulnérables, qu'elles évoluent dans un milieu politico-idéologique peu propice à leur épanouissement. Les affrontements entre les modernistes et les conservateurs, sont la plus part du temps résolus grâce au consensus, fruit d'une alliance entre la modernité et la tradition. Toujours est-il, à chaque ouverture d'une période transitoire, le débat se durcit et aussi la peur de perdre les acquis d'une Tunisie réformiste.

Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows. ; Les libertés publiques ont toujours rencontré des obstacles affectant leur réel exercice en Tunisie. Les transitions démocratiques souvent invoquées par les dirigeants, se sont avérées des périodes au cours desquelles, cet exercice est le plus vulnérable. A chaque période, correspondent des priorités présentées par l'élite dirigeante pour justifier l'ajournement de l'exercice des libertés publiques. Les institutions politiques, l'organisation du pouvoir et le cadre normatif, ne permettent pas de dire qu'ils offrent un terrain favorable aux libertés publiques. Ces d.dernières, sont d'autant plus vulnérables, qu'elles évoluent dans un milieu politico-idéologique peu propice à leur épanouissement. Les affrontements entre les modernistes et les conservateurs, sont la plus part du temps résolus grâce au consensus, fruit d'une alliance entre la modernité et la tradition. Toujours est-il, à chaque ouverture d'une période transitoire, le débat se durcit et aussi la peur de perdre les acquis d'une Tunisie réformiste.

Over the last decades the legal protection of civil liberties has registered an unexpected progress. Yet, rather than being freer we are less so, various considerations having led to the multiplication of proscriptions in every possible field without anyone protesting. Adapted from the source document.

Legal France is completely groggy. Public opinion has witnessed the Outreau & Colonna trials. Legal professionals have experienced twenty procedural reforms in twenty years. Legislators have reacted to cases in the news with great fussiness. These legal texts are only hasty answers aiming to satisfy public opinion & not the result of a serious reflection. They can have pernicious effects: they bring more complexity but less liberty & therefore produce a system in crisis which requires a broad reform. This is demonstrated by a positive law analysis around the theme "criminal law & liberties.". Adapted from the source document.

Der vorliegende Band resultiert aus einer Tagung der "Arbeitsgemeinschaft europäischer Rechtsethnologen", welche alle zwei bis drei Jahre zusammenkommt, um über aktuelle Veränderungen in Gesellschaft, Kultur, Recht und Staat zu diskutieren. Er beinhaltet interdisziplinäre Beiträge über Spanien, die EU, Namibia, Tansania und Benin, aber auch über Indonesien und die islamische Welt. Dabei kommen nicht nur Afrikanisten, Ethnologen, Politik-, Rechts- und Wirtschaftswissenschaftler zu Wort. Auch Kriminologen, Psychologen, Islamwissenschaftler und Soziologen sind involviert und ermöglichen ein weitgefächertes Erfassen der Themen. Trutz von Trotha und Jakob Rösel: La réorganisation ou la fin de l'État de droit? Quelques observations / Trutz von Trotha: An Overview of the Contributions and a Summary of a Pluridisciplinary Debate / Jakob Rösel: Decline or Reorganisation of the State and the Rule of Law? / Yves Bizeul: Droits de l'homme, État de droit et / Phillippe Robert: La naissance de l'Etat de sécurité / Andreas Baumer: Civil Liberties and the Challenge of Political Terrorism - The Case of Spain / Martin Schubarth: L'Union Européenne, D'une communauté économique à une communauté de droit? / Harald Sippel: "Rechtsstaat" and the Heritage of Different Legal Systems in Namibia and Tanzania / Ulrike Wanitzek: Land Law and Legal Pluralism in Tanzania: Security of Customary Land Tenure? / Erdmute Alber: Vindicte populaire comme facteur limitant l'implantation de l'Etat de Droit: l'exemple du Nord-Bénin / Wilhelm J.G. Möhlig und Rüdiger Köppe: Obstacles on the Postcolonial Path towards Constitutional Liberties - Tanzanian Examples / Hervé Bleuchot: La mondialisation et les Droits de l'homme: Les Débats sur le Droit pénal musulman / Keebet von Benda-Beckmann und Franz von Benda-Beckmann: How Bleak is the Picture? Towards Constitutional Liberties in Indonesia

Is it really necessary to create additional liberties? One may wonder whether in a legal system as sophisticated as ours the needs do not lay elsewhere. In addition, is it not dangerous to suggest the opposite & thus to favor a purely consumerist understanding of fundamental rights? There is room for doubt. One may also wonder what is the best vehicle for the recognition of new rights should they seem necessary. What is required here is fine tuning, experimentation & as little ideology as possible. Yet these are requirements that the procedure of constitutional revision does not accept easily. Under certain conditions, the law may offer some interesting advantages. Adapted from the source document.

ISBN : 978-2-84874-904-4 ; National audience ; The « test / trace / isolate » strategy implemented by the French government to combat the covid-19 epidemic on its national territory is based on a triptych of digital tools: SI-DEP, Contact Covid and TousAntiCovid. The very large amount of data collected, notably sensitive data, poses unprecedented problems in terms of preserving individual rights and public freedoms. In an attempt to remedy this, the legislator and the government have put in place a certain number of safeguards, some of which are also unprecedented: monitoring committee, etc. However, certain weaknesses remain, particularly with regard to the control of access to silos of highly identifying and sensitive data. ; La stratégie « tester / tracer / isoler » mise en place par le gouvernement français pour lutter contre l'épidémie de la covid-19 sur le territoire national repose sur un triptyque d'outils numériques : SI-DEP, Contact Covid et TousAntiCovid. La très grande masse de données collectées, et notamment de données sensibles, pose des problèmes inédits en matière de préservation des droits des personnes et des libertés publiques. Pour tenter d'y remédier, le législateur et le gouvernement ont mis en place un certain nombre de garde-fous, parfois eux aussi inédits : comité de suivi, etc. Pour autant, certaines faiblesses demeurent, notamment sur l'encadrement des accès à des stocks de données très identifiantes et sensibles.

Various events & celebrations in commemoration of the 200th birthday of Swiss writer & pol'al sci'st Benjamin Constant (1767-1830) are reviewed. The role of Constant's doctrine for the French Revolution is explored as discussed in Paul Bastid, B. CONSTANT ET SA DOCTRINE (B. Constant and His Doctrine). A summary of Constant's writings & ideas is presented. Constant was concerned with civil liberties in France & perceived the chief of state as performing an essentially neutral role, intervening only in order to put an end to discord among those holding power, but never to take over power. Constant also held important ideas on econ's, society & internat'l order. He felt that small landholders should be protected & that society should guarantee them not only liberty but prosperity. He was equally concerned with the misery of the laborers of his epoch & favored public measures to improve their lot. His participation in foreign pol included membership in the Committee of the Philanthropic Society for Help to Greece. He rejected the Holy Alliance & condemned its anti-liberal & anti-constitutionalist interventionism. It is concluded that Constant was far ahead of his time. He made equally important contributions to pol, philosophy, & literature. M. Maxfield.

Edward Snowden's revelations about the extent of the National Security Agency's (NSA) surveillance programs have unleashed a torrent of emotions around the world but comparatively little outcry in the United States. What accounts for this subdued reaction from a nation that often leaps to the defense of civil liberties? The recent past holds much of the answer: the U.S. is still deeply traumatized by the attacks of September 11, 2001 and its intelligence services' inability to prevent them. The laws passed by George W. Bush in the aftermath of 9/11 allowed the NSA to vastly augment its eavesdropping resources, while blurring the borders between the private and public spheres. Except for a few cosmetic changes, Barack Obama is following in the footsteps of his predecessor. Nor is there any change in sight, as long as America continues to wage its 'war on terror'. Adapted from the source document.

The appearance of the Russian National Bolshevik Party (NBP), a small group of young people today banned for "extremism", was closely linked to the crisis that accompanied the collapse of the USSR, which opened a brief window of opportunity for the emergence of unorthodox political endeavors. The profound changes that have since affected the Party's platform -- in the space of just a few years, it has moved from nationalism to the defense of civil liberties -- must be understood in the context of the reorganization of the political landscape that took place during Vladimir Putin's presidency. With Putin adopting patriotic rhetoric, the Party had to change its pitch in order to retain its stance of radical opposition. Indeed, a survey conducted within the NBP shows that it caters to a very specific activist pleasure: that of playing the game of revolutionary adventure. Beyond the case studied, the pleasure to be had in games organized around extraordinary (because non-routine) scenarios may more generally be considered a reward of unusual political undertakings. As such, it contributes to our understanding of them. Adapted from the source document.