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The main object of the presented article is to prove that, according to Robert von Mohl's views on the idea of civil rights, he should be classified as the exponent of moderate early German liberalism. The first section of the study drafts a background for its next two parts. It presents the socio-political circumstances of the German states from the beginning of the 19th century to the developments of the Springtime of the Peoples. The analysis of the German scholar views on the citizenship's idea in the context of the Rechtsstaat and basic rights notion is undertaken in the second part of the article. In the third part, it is proved, that von Mohl was a thinker who chose the path of the "golden mean". Regarding the citizen's position in state, on the one hand, he proposed a substantial catalogue of civil rights. On the other hand, he didn't support the idea of universal political rights. ; Główny cel niniejszego artykułu polega na dowiedzeniu tezy stanowiącej, że rozumienie idei praw obywatelskich w poglądach Roberta von Mohla klasyfikuje go jako przedstawiciela umiarkowanego niemieckiego wczesnego liberalizmu. Pierwsza część opracowania obejmuje omówienie uwarunkowań społeczno-politycznych ziem niemieckich od początków XIX w. do wydarzeń Wiosny Ludów. Stanowi ona tło dla następnych dwóch części. Skupiono się w nich na analizie poglądów niemieckiego uczonego na pojęcie obywatela w kontekście idei Rechtsstaat oraz na prawa zasadnicze (w których zawierały się prawa obywatelskie i polityczne). W artykule dowiedziono, że von Mohl był myślicielem wybierającym drogę "złotego środka" w odniesieniu do pozycji obywateli w państwie. Z jednej strony, zgodnie z dominującym w ówczesnym niemieckim liberalizmie poglądem, przewidywał on szeroki katalog praw obywatelskich w państwie, z drugiej zaś obca mu była idea powszechnych praw politycznych, ich wykonywanie ograniczone było bowiem u von Mohla cenzusem.

As a result of permanent crises, changing political circumstances, rise of populism and overwhelming socio-cultural conflicts, recently liberal democracy is on the decline. This process strongly affects the civil sector, which in the 21st century is still considered one of the main defenders of democracy and human rights. Civil sector also performs a couple of functions that help them try to monitor the state (watchdog function), protect citizens, minorities, human rights, environment, animals etc. and provide a normative behavioural attitude. Nowadays in many countries the activities of civil organizations are restricted, displaced or terminated. Focusing on those countries where democratic backsliding process can be clearly observed, this study examines the background and forms of the process by which civils turned from partners to "enemies" in the last decade.

Civil society is an indispensable component of a functional democratic state. The development of civil society is dependent on a number of factors, including the work of the education system. Education is the crucial space for shaping civic attitudes and acquiring competences necessary for a society that is aware of its rights and active in the public sphere. A significant majority of educational institutions is administratively supervised by local government units. The purpose of this paper is to indicate how local authorities can play a role in the shaping of civil society by performing tasks (both obligatory and additional, non-compulsory ones) related to education.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner.

In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna

Artykuł poszukuje odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy potrzebna jest rewizja karty praw jednostki zamieszczonej w Konstytucji RP z 1997 r. Punktem wyjścia są rozważania na temat aktualności ustawy zasadniczej z perspektywy dwudziestu lat jej obowiązywania. Ich konkluzją jest stwierdzenie, że Konstytucja RP spełnia kryteria nowoczesnego konstytucjonalizmu, na którym opierają się ustroje państw demokratycznych. Reforma polegająca na gruntownej rewizji obowiązującej konstytucji lub na zastąpieniu jej przez nową ustawę zasadniczą wymagałaby uzasadnienia poprzez spełnienie warunków "momentu konstytucyjnego", tak jak to pojęcie rozumie Bruce Ackerman. Rozważania poświęcone konstytucyjnej karcie praw skupiają się na ocenie wypełnienia przez nią kryteriów, które kierowały pracami nad jej redakcją, a mianowicie: adekwatności do dominujących w społeczeństwie ocen relacji między jednostką a wspólnotą; zgodności z międzynarodowymi standardami praw człowieka; uniwersalności treści; jurydyczności. Prowadzą one do wniosku, że karta praw zawarta w Konstytucji RP stanowi przykład nowoczesnej regulacji sytuacji prawnej jednostki, zgodnej z wymogami współczesnego konstytucjonalizmu. Ta generalna ocena nie oznacza jednak braku celowości rozważań nad możliwością czy potrzebą optymalizacji szczegółowych rozwiązań, które mogłyby zostać dokonane w ramach nowelizacji konstytucji, gdy ta okaże się niezbędna. Teza ta jest zilustrowana wybranym przykładami. ; The article seeks to answer the question whether it is necessary to revise the charter of rights of an individual included in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. The starting point is the reflection on the topicality of the Basic Law from the perspective of 20 years of its applicability. The conclusion is that the Constitution meets the criteria of modern constitutionalism uponwhich the systems of democratic states are based. The reform consisting in a thorough revision of the existing Constitution or in replacing it with a new basic law would have to be justified by the ...

The article discusses the condition of civil society in contemporary Serbia, with special emphasis on the relations between its representatives and the authorities (both at the local and state level). The main objective of the analyses is to answer the question of the position of the civil sector within Serbia's broadly understood political system. What role do both formal non-governmental organizations and grassroots non-institutionalized social movements play in this relatively young democracy? What is the attitude of the authorities to grassroots civil activities, which often manifest criticism towards the decisions and actions of those in power? These questions will constitute the central axis of my considerations in this article. The research problem indicated above is analysed on two essential levels. Firstly, the article discusses existing studies and research on the nature of civil society in Serbia and the ways in which it functions. Secondly, the author analyses the results of qualitative research carried out at the late 2018 and early 2019 among representatives of Serbian civil movements and organizations. The conclusions stemming from these analyses are presented in the final part of the article. The analyses carried out indicate the problems that face the civil sector in Serbia. First and foremost, one should draw attention to the authorities' rather negative view of the civil sector. What is also noteworthy is an extended network of connections of the authorities with the private sector as well as with right-wing, nationalist, pro-government organizations. These circumstances to a large extent hinder or even preclude dialogue (and further cooperation) between public and civil institutions.