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Articles include, Defeat reaction - unite of democract, Repeal the emergency provisions act,Tyrone news and Catholic anti- discrimination association.

This issue of the New York Times includes articles detailing the March on Washington, foreign affairs during the early 1960s, and other stories surrounding the Civil Rights Movement.

Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1991 primarily to modify numerous Supreme Court opinions of the 1988 Term that jeopardized the rights of minorities and women. Particularly striking about those Supreme Court cases was the number which involved procedural questions and process values. These included the timing of litigation, both when employment discrimination victims must commence actions and when non-parties can reopen civil rights cases resolved through consent decrees; litigant responsibility for the expense of lawsuits; and proof requirements. Most of the procedural developments in civil rights and employment discrimination litigation of the 1988 Term, however, were only recent manifestations of judicial decisionmaking that has disadvantaged civil rights and employment discrimination plaintiffs over the past fifteen years. Moreover, the determinations encompass restrictive interpretations by the Supreme Court and lower federal courts of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, fee-shifting legislation, and procedural provisions in civil rights and employment discrimination statutes. In short, the whole picture for civil rights and employment discrimination litigation has been more than the sum of the procedural parts. The federal judiciary's decisionmaking has adversely affected civil rights and employment discrimination plaintiffs, who Congress intended to serve as private attorneys general, but whose lack of resources for litigating often makes them risk averse. Because these judicial determinations threatened the progress that minorities and women have achieved through litigation, Congress enacted the new civil rights and employment discrimination legislation which rectifies or ameliorates certain procedural difficulties faced by civil rights and employment discrimination plaintiffs. Unfortunately, Congress did not treat a number of important procedural problems that significantly disadvantage civil rights plaintiffs. This essay addresses those omissions. The article initially examines procedural developments that have detrimentally affected civil rights plaintiffs over the last decade and a half. The piece then analyzes the Civil Rights Act of 1991, emphasizing how that measure fails to remedy numerous procedural complications which confront these plaintiffs. Accordingly, the essay affords suggestions for additional change that would respond to the procedural difficulties which remain.

Separate reports for U.S., each state and D.C., each divided into several parts usually titled: Provisions of the Constitution . relation to the infringement of civil rights, Elections, Education, Housing, Employment, Admin. of Justice. ; At head of title: The Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, American Law Division. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Papers, 1933-1981, of Stetson Kennedy comprise correspondence; subject files on various organizations, individuals, and ideas; typescripts of articles written by Kennedy; newsclippings; press releases; bulletins and fliers; pamphlets; periodicals; and photographs. The subject files pertain to economic conditions, labor and anti-black violence, peace groups, peonage, Southern politicians, Mexico, the Spanish Civil War, and Kennedy's own campaign for a U.S. Senate seat from Florida in 1950. Articles, clippings, and pamphlets concern civil rights, international affairs, the Ku Klux Klan, labor (particularly CIO) organizing, and southern politics. The photographs depict WPA work in progress, attacks against Negroes (including lynching), and various organizations. The many periodicals include two issues (1947) of Eugene Talmadge's The Statesman, twenty-one issues (1943-1950) of The Southern Patriot, and eight issues (1939-1943) of Lillian Smith's North Georgia Review. The correspondence covers the period 1935-1979, and includes as correspondents students and peace groups, several committees to aid Spanish loyalists, social reform and civil liberties groups, government agencies, writer's organizations, publishers, literary agents, newspapers and magazines, and the New York Public Library, which obtained some Kennedy manuscripts for its Schomburg Collection in 1952. [L1979-37]

The Papers, 1933-1981, of Stetson Kennedy comprise correspondence; subject files on various organizations, individuals, and ideas; typescripts of articles written by Kennedy; newsclippings; press releases; bulletins and fliers; pamphlets; periodicals; and photographs. The subject files pertain to economic conditions, labor and anti-black violence, peace groups, peonage, Southern politicians, Mexico, the Spanish Civil War, and Kennedy's own campaign for a U.S. Senate seat from Florida in 1950. Articles, clippings, and pamphlets concern civil rights, international affairs, the Ku Klux Klan, labor (particularly CIO) organizing, and southern politics. The photographs depict WPA work in progress, attacks against Negroes (including lynching), and various organizations. The many periodicals include two issues (1947) of Eugene Talmadge's The Statesman, twenty-one issues (1943-1950) of The Southern Patriot, and eight issues (1939-1943) of Lillian Smith's North Georgia Review. The correspondence covers the period 1935-1979, and includes as correspondents students and peace groups, several committees to aid Spanish loyalists, social reform and civil liberties groups, government agencies, writer's organizations, publishers, literary agents, newspapers and magazines, and the New York Public Library, which obtained some Kennedy manuscripts for its Schomburg Collection in 1952. [L1979-37]

"June 2003"--Cover. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Federal spending has the capacity to perpetuate racial inequality, not simply through explicit exclusion, but through choices made in the legislative and institutional design of spending programs. Drawing on the lessons of New Deal and postwar social programs, this Essay offers an account of the specificfeatures offederal spending that give it salience in structuring racial arrangements. Federal spending programs, this Essay argues, are relevant in structuring racial inequality due to their massive scale, their creation of new programmatic and spending infrastructures, and the choices made in these programs as to whether to impose explicit inclusionary norms on states and localities. Exploring these features has relevance for understanding the current stimulus. Key aspects of the stimulus entrench funding and programmatic structures that promote racial inequality, defer to states and localities rather than advance explicit civil rights rules and norms, and miss key opportunities to innovate to promote racial inclusion and equity. Yet, this Essay argues that even with these limitations, the stimulus presents opportunities for civil society groups to learn from the lessons of New Deal and postwar programs by using the stimulus to promote racial inclusion and equality. Indeed, this Essay shows that the magnitude of the stimulus is generating a new set of laws and regulatory institutions designed to promote transparency and accountability in federal spending. These interventions, this Essay suggests, provide promise for interrupting the mechanisms through which federal spending perpetuates inequality, and for leveraging the stimulus to advance racial inclusion.

This is an address made by Raymond Nakai to the Junior Chamber of Commerce in Phoenix, Arizona. Nakai is informing participants about the current state of Navajo people. Many Navajo are relocating from the reservation to cities for employment. Navajo are then facing racial prejudice along with other challenges and return to the reservation, where there are no employment opportunities. Nakai observes that Navajo people are watching the civil rights movement with Black Americans for the outcome. Raymond Nakai is discouraging all in becoming part of social movements that stand against the United States. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Raymond Nakai, a Navajo Indian, was born in 1918 in Lukachukai, Arizona, on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai is noted as being the first modern Navajo political leader serving as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963-1971. As chairman, the issues most important during his tenure were self determination in Navajo Education, reservation unemployment, developing Navajo economy, further development of the tribal government and improving relations with the federal government and surrounding states. Nakai had much unprecedented success as Navajo Tribal Chairman: In 1967 the Navajo Nation Bill of Rights was created, in 1968 Navajo Community College opened being the first tribally controlled community college, the Tribal Scholarship Trust was developed, relations with off reservation natural resource companies began, he was supportive of religious freedom of the Native American Church on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai led an active personal and political life and was an innovative leader for the Navajo People. The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971.

Description based on: Fiscal year 1983. ; Mode of access: Internet.

315 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY ; Report generated by the ADL on the status of civil rights in various states in the U.S. as of 1965. ; Date is approximate

This Article identifies the most important issues which must be dealt with after Monell v, Department of Social Services, 436 U.S. 658 (1978), and attempts to resolve them. Section I considers what rules and practices are "official acts, policies and customs" subjecting a government to suit under Monell. The second section analyzes the possible defenses available to a city; it concludes that the good faith immunity afforded to executive officials should not be extended to government entities, but that such entities should be afforded a somewhat narrower defense. Section III discusses the scope of injunctive relief available in section 1983 actions against state officials. Finally, section IV urges that after Monell state law claims against cities can and should be tried in federal court when joined with section 1983 actions.

As the first U.S.-born Hispanic senator, Senator Dennis Chávez of New Mexico left a rich legacy of advocacy for civil rights and civil liberties. In this lecture, the fourth U.S. Senator Dennis Chávez Endowed Lecture on Law and Civil Rights, I explore an idea at the intersection of those two bodies of law: the right to privacy. In 2020, the hallmark of surveillance is its ubiquity; "everyone is watched." Unfortunately, this discourse erases the fact that, across American history, the burdens of government surveillance have fallen overwhelmingly on the shoulders of immigrants, heretics, people of color, the poor, and anyone else considered "other." Inspired by the legacy of "El Senador," I trace that history from the English Puritans we now know as Pilgrims to the immigrant children detained at the southern U.S. border. I go on to argue that if we acknowledge the "color of surveillance," we must reckon with its consequence. If surveillance is a tool used to threaten the vulnerable, we must understand privacy not just as a civil liberty, but also a civil right: A shield that allows the unpopular and persecuted to survive and thrive.

Promises of justice and equality made in the U.S. Constitution, numerous Amendments, and decisions of the Supreme Court are hallmarks of American civil rights. Yet the realities of inequality remain facts of modern life for too many Native Americans, African Americans, and Latino Americans, even though state-mandated racial segregation has been outlawed for years. Women still face a variety of forms of discrimination—some subtle and others more overt. There remain many laws that treat people differently because of sexual orientation. People with disabilities are supposed to be protected by a variety of statutes, but many of these policies remain unfulfilled promises. These are just some of the many challenges of civil rights that persist in a nation that proudly points to the words above the entrance to the U.S. Supreme Court that read "Equal Justice Under Law."This text is for current and future public service professionals —whether they are in government agencies, in nonprofit organizations that provide social services for government, or contractors who operate as state actors—who increasingly serve diverse communities with a range of complex challenges, while working and managing within organizations that, fortunately, are themselves more diverse than ever before. For those who work and serve in such settings, civil rights is not an abstract academic study, but a critically important and very practical fact of daily life. This book may also be used on civil rights law, policy, and public administration courses, and each chapter ends with a section on 'Issues for Policy and Practice' to guide an examination of key public policy hurdles in the fight for civil rights as well as the implications for public service practice. Through an engaging exploration of edited court cases, legislation, and speeches, the reader is encouraged to think critically about civil rights law and policy pertaining to African Americans, Native Americans, Latinos/Latinas, gender, sexual orientation, and disabilities, to learn what civil rights require, but also to come to a more empathetic understanding of how different groups of people experience civil rights and the unique challenges they face.

Calls for change to the infrastructure of civil rights enforcement have grown more insistent in the past several years, attracting support from a wide range of advocates, scholars, and federal, state, and local officials. Much of the attention has focused on federal-level reforms, including proposals to overrule Supreme Court doctrines that stop many civil rights lawsuits in their tracks. But state and local officials share responsibility for the enforcement of civil rights and have underappreciated powers to adopt reforms of their own. This Article evaluates a range of state and local interventions, including the adoption of state law causes of action for constitutional violations, improved local budgeting and indemnification practices, and new litigation strategies that encourage government attorneys charged with defending civil rights litigation to take better account of the significant public interest in enforcing constitutional norms. Rather than await federal reforms that may never come, the many state and local officials who have advocated for change can promptly translate their professed commitments into law and policy.