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Intro -- Copyright Page -- Title Page -- Contents -- Introduction -- A Brief History of the Civil Rights Movement -- Slavery in America -- Reconstruction -- The Ku Klux Klan -- Jim Crow Segregation -- The Beginnings of the Civil Rights Movement -- Brown v. Board of Education -- Montgomery Bus Boycott -- Martin Luther King Jr. -- The Birmingham Demonstrations -- March on Washington -- New Civil Rights Laws -- More Rioting and Violence -- The Legacy of the Civil Rights Movement -- Selected Bibliography.

Separate reports for U.S., each state and D.C., each divided into several parts usually titled: Provisions of the Constitution . relation to the infringement of civil rights, Elections, Education, Housing, Employment, Admin. of Justice. ; At head of title: The Library of Congress, Legislative Reference Service, American Law Division. ; Mode of access: Internet.

It is asked, 'Will the vote be of more use to Negroes in the South than it has been in the North?', & 'Will the Freedom Movement continue to be a genuinely protesting voice, or is it likely to peter out once the missing rights have been formally achieved?' These questions are examined in the light of work done in Holmes County, Miss, where the author worked as a Civil Rights worker. Econ & pol'al deprivation are characteristic of the area. Deprived of their pol'al rights, Negroes have no say in decisions about public services, so the standard remains very low. Neither of the 2 Negro secondary Sch's has enough facilities to be accredited by the State Board of Educ a: a HSch. A summary is given of the strategy for change in Miss as envisaged by the federal gov, mainly centered around the winning of pol'al rights & the Poverty Program. The nature of the org's involved in the Civil Rights movement in Miss is described, as well as their methods of operation. It is felt that the outside pol'al imperatives which overlay the local situation in Holmes County are the need to respond to & guide the important federal effort in Miss, & the need to create & maintain pol'al org with a high level of identity of its own, if it is going to make headway against the white power structure. The movement in Holmes County has had great success in creating a pol'al org, which the people of the County participate in & direct themselves. The evidence seems to show that the newly enfranchised Negro vote in Miss will be capable of showing a surprising degree of independence, most noticeable at the local level, in the affairs of the County. However, the sense of the need for change is not yet related, in any specific way, to the underlying trends in the econ life of the county. Programs involving federal subsidy could help to arrest the basic trend towards depop & outmigration. The principle of guaranteed income to small farmers could be accompanied by a program of loans & technical assistance. E. Weiman.

The Papers, 1933-1981, of Stetson Kennedy comprise correspondence; subject files on various organizations, individuals, and ideas; typescripts of articles written by Kennedy; newsclippings; press releases; bulletins and fliers; pamphlets; periodicals; and photographs. The subject files pertain to economic conditions, labor and anti-black violence, peace groups, peonage, Southern politicians, Mexico, the Spanish Civil War, and Kennedy's own campaign for a U.S. Senate seat from Florida in 1950. Articles, clippings, and pamphlets concern civil rights, international affairs, the Ku Klux Klan, labor (particularly CIO) organizing, and southern politics. The photographs depict WPA work in progress, attacks against Negroes (including lynching), and various organizations. The many periodicals include two issues (1947) of Eugene Talmadge's The Statesman, twenty-one issues (1943-1950) of The Southern Patriot, and eight issues (1939-1943) of Lillian Smith's North Georgia Review. The correspondence covers the period 1935-1979, and includes as correspondents students and peace groups, several committees to aid Spanish loyalists, social reform and civil liberties groups, government agencies, writer's organizations, publishers, literary agents, newspapers and magazines, and the New York Public Library, which obtained some Kennedy manuscripts for its Schomburg Collection in 1952. [L1979-37]

The Papers, 1933-1981, of Stetson Kennedy comprise correspondence; subject files on various organizations, individuals, and ideas; typescripts of articles written by Kennedy; newsclippings; press releases; bulletins and fliers; pamphlets; periodicals; and photographs. The subject files pertain to economic conditions, labor and anti-black violence, peace groups, peonage, Southern politicians, Mexico, the Spanish Civil War, and Kennedy's own campaign for a U.S. Senate seat from Florida in 1950. Articles, clippings, and pamphlets concern civil rights, international affairs, the Ku Klux Klan, labor (particularly CIO) organizing, and southern politics. The photographs depict WPA work in progress, attacks against Negroes (including lynching), and various organizations. The many periodicals include two issues (1947) of Eugene Talmadge's The Statesman, twenty-one issues (1943-1950) of The Southern Patriot, and eight issues (1939-1943) of Lillian Smith's North Georgia Review. The correspondence covers the period 1935-1979, and includes as correspondents students and peace groups, several committees to aid Spanish loyalists, social reform and civil liberties groups, government agencies, writer's organizations, publishers, literary agents, newspapers and magazines, and the New York Public Library, which obtained some Kennedy manuscripts for its Schomburg Collection in 1952. [L1979-37]

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Mexican American Fight for Civil Rights -- Mexicans in the United States -- Racial Tension Erupts -- Immigration and Race Wars -- Racial Segregation -- The Roots of the Movement -- The Chicano Movement -- Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales -- La Alianza -- Cesar Chaves and Dolores Huerta -- East Los Angeles Student Walkout -- Outcomes of the Movement -- Future of the Movement -- Timeline of the Mexican American Rights Movement -- Glossary -- Index, Websites -- Back Cover

Federal spending has the capacity to perpetuate racial inequality, not simply through explicit exclusion, but through choices made in the legislative and institutional design of spending programs. Drawing on the lessons of New Deal and postwar social programs, this Essay offers an account of the specificfeatures offederal spending that give it salience in structuring racial arrangements. Federal spending programs, this Essay argues, are relevant in structuring racial inequality due to their massive scale, their creation of new programmatic and spending infrastructures, and the choices made in these programs as to whether to impose explicit inclusionary norms on states and localities. Exploring these features has relevance for understanding the current stimulus. Key aspects of the stimulus entrench funding and programmatic structures that promote racial inequality, defer to states and localities rather than advance explicit civil rights rules and norms, and miss key opportunities to innovate to promote racial inclusion and equity. Yet, this Essay argues that even with these limitations, the stimulus presents opportunities for civil society groups to learn from the lessons of New Deal and postwar programs by using the stimulus to promote racial inclusion and equality. Indeed, this Essay shows that the magnitude of the stimulus is generating a new set of laws and regulatory institutions designed to promote transparency and accountability in federal spending. These interventions, this Essay suggests, provide promise for interrupting the mechanisms through which federal spending perpetuates inequality, and for leveraging the stimulus to advance racial inclusion.