Suchergebnisse

U ovom diplomskom radu razradit ću temu opravdanja građanskog neposluha u ustavno demokratskim sustavima. Moderna demokratska država kakvu poznajemo i danas još od 19. stoljeća pronalazi svoje temelje u konceptu liberalne demokracije. Smatra se kako je država pravedna institucija koja štiti svoje državljane iako se sve više javljaju teoretičari koji tvrde kako smo mi ograničeni zahvaljujući upravo toj državi. Rađamo se kao slobodni pojedinci, ali svrstavani smo u različite kategorije bez našeg znanja. Zajednica je živi organizam koji se kroz vrijeme nadograđuje, mijenja i odbacuje staro. Stoga država i ne može biti u potpunosti savršena. U takvim zajednicama postoje pukotine i mane. Nepravedni zakoni koji se javljaju kao posljedica sustavne promjene dopuštaju pojavu građanskog neposluha. Njemu cilj nije rušenje vlasti nego promjena demokratskog uređenja na bolje. Prije se građanski neposluh javljao kao reakcija na kršenje i nepoštovanje temeljnih ljudskih načela poput prava na slobodu i prava na jednakost, a danas se on javlja kao reakcija na vladine odluke koje nisu u skladu s mišljenjem i stavovima manjina. ; In this thesis I will elaborate the topic of justifying civil disobedience in constitutionally democratic systems. Since 19. century the modern democratic state we know today finds its foundations in the concept of liberal democracy. It is considered that the state is a righteous institution that protects its citizens, even though the theoreticians who say that we are limited due to that state are becoming increasingly stronger. We are born as free individuals, but we are divided into different categories without our knowledge. The community is a living organism that is upgrading, changing and rejecting old time. Therefore, the state can not be completely perfect. In such communities there are cracks and shortages. Unrighteous laws that arise as a result of systemic change allow the appearance of civil disobedience. Goal is not to demolish authority but to change democratic arrangements for better. ...

Autor polazi od stava da je za kritičko razumijevanje postsocijalizma (kojeg uvjetno određuje kao stanje i proturiječni procesi u Istočnoj Europi nakon demokratske revolucije) i njegovih razvojnih perspektiva upravo primjeren koncept civilnog društva. Upućuje na tri različite društvene struje koje su doprinjele obnovi problematike civilnog društva: neoliberalizam, postmarksizam i disidentski građanski otpor totalitarizmu. Zatim utvrđuje pojam civilnog društva, u smislu koji je dobio u novovjekovnim teorijama prirodnog prava. Na tom tragu precizira vlastito određenje ovog pojma kao analitičkog oruđa za analizu socijalizma i postsocijalizma. Kad je riječ o socijalizmu ukazuje na stalnu napetost između države i neautonomnog ali »realnog socijalističkog društva«, u kome se uvijek iznova javljaju klice autonomne civilne sfere. Na kraju raspravlja o (ne)ispunjenju tri temeljne pretpostavke civilnog društva u aktualnim postsocijalističkim procesima na europskom Istoku, uključujući Hrvatsku i Jugoslaviju. ; The author expresses the opinion that for a critical understanding of postsocialism (which he conditionally defines as the situation and contradictory processes in Eastern Europe after the democratic revolution) and its development perspectives, the most adequate is the concept of civil society. He indicates three different social currents which contributed to the renewal of the civil society issue: neoliberalism, post-Marxism and the dissident civil opposition to totalitarianism. He then determines the concept of civil society within the meaning it had obtained in the modem theories of natural law. Following this line of thought he specifies his own definition of this concept as an analytical means for studying socialism and postsocialism. When it is a question of socialism, he indicates the constant tension between the state and unautonomous but »real socialist society«, in which new seeds of the autonomous civil sphere keep appearing over and over again. Finally, he discusses the non-fulfilment of the three fundamental pre-suppositions for civil society in contemporary postsocialist processes in the European East, including Croatia and Yugoslavia.

Civilno društvo je prostor između obitelji, države i tržišta gdje se građani udružuju radi promicanja zajedničkih interesa. Širenjem značenja Europske unije uloga civilnog društva i njegov međuodnos s EU razinom postaje sve značajnije pitanje. Rad tematizira civilno društvo u kontekstu europeizacije. Europeizacija se koristi kao »termin kišobran« koji pokriva mnoštvo značenja u terminima socijalnog, političkog, kognitivnog, pa čak i teritorijalnog, stoga najprije utvrđuje njezino značenje. Prikazuju se procesi i mehanizmi europeizacije civilnog društva. Uzimajući u obzir ključne razvoje zadnjih desetljeća kao i koncept horizontalne politike, raspravlja se o kontekstu europeizacije civilnog društva. Međuodnos europeizacije i civilnog društva sagledava se kroz različite pristupe i načine međusobnog odnošenja civilnog društva i razine EU u aspektu vladavine i politika. Tim analizama omogućuje se pogled u dosege europeizacije civilnog društva i preispitivanje jesmo li na pragu nečega što možemo nazvati »Europskom unijom civilnog društva«. ; Civil society is the space between the family, the state and the market where citizens come together to promote their common interests. By expanding the importance of the European Union, the role of civil society and its interrelationship with the EU level becomes increasingly important issue. The paper deals with civil society in the context of Europeanization. Europeanization is used as an »umbrella term« that covers a multitude of meanings in terms of social, political, cognitive and even territorial meanings. We present the processes and mechanisms of Europeanization of civil society. Taking into account the key developments in the last decade as well as the concept of horizontal policies, the author discusses the context of Europeanization of civil society. Interrelationship of Europeanization and civil society is reviewed from the perspective of different approaches and ways of mutual relations of civil society and EU level from the aspect of governance and policy. This analysis allows a glance at the scope of Europeanization of civil society and examinations of the question whether we are on the threshold of something that we can call "The EU of Civil Society".

Mirne pobune protiv sirijskog predsjednika koje su započele 2011. s vremenom su prerasle u oružani sukob, a zatim i u građanski rat koji do dana današnjeg ne jenjava. Vrlo brzo je privukao i brojne regionalne, ali i međunarodne aktere. Iako se na početku činilo kako će sirijski predsjednik vrlo brzo morati napustiti svoju funkciju, to se nije dogodilo. Zahvaljujući ruskoj vojnoj intervenciji 2015. vratio je kontrolu nad većinom sirijskog teritorija te na taj način osigurao svoju daljnju vlast. Cilj ovoga rada jest prikazati rusku intervenciju u Sirijskom građanskom ratu kao dio nove ruske vanjske politike, odnosno novoga ruskog intervencionizma. Politika koja je započeta intervencijom u Gruziji, a zatim nastavljena u Ukrajini činom aneksije Krima, svoj nastavak dobiva upravo na teritoriju Sirije. Kako ćemo vidjeti kroz rad upravo se ova politika pokazala ključnom za vraćanje Rusiji statusa globalne sile. ; Peaceful uprisings against the Syrian president that began in 2011., over the time escalated into an armed conflict, and then into a civil war that has not abated to this day. It quickly attracted numerous regional and international actors. Although at first it seemed that the Syrian president would have to leave his funcion very soon, this did not happen. Thanks to Russian military intervention in 2015, he regained majority control over Syrian territory and thus secured his further rule. The aim of this paper was to present Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war as a part of a new Russian foreign policy, the policy of interventionism. The policy, which began with the intervention in Georgia, and then continued in Ukraine and the act of annexation of Crimea, gets its continuation on the territory of Syria. As we will see further, it is precisely this policy that has proved crucial for restoring Russia's global power status.

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society organizations and political life, ie the creation of public policies, ie the participation of the civil sector in politics. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the possibilities of the influence of civil society organizations on policy making. Finally, the aim of this paper is to understand the issues of this possible obstacle to the participation of civil society organizations in political life.

Civilno društvo u mnogim zemljama demokratskog svijeta, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj, zauzima vrlo važno mjesto u političkom i društvenom životu. Naime, Europska je unija kao predstavnik zapadnih, demokratskih zemalja, prepoznala civilni sektor kao jedan od stupova društva pa se u mnogim politikama zemalja javlja pitanje u kojoj mjeri te na koji način je ispravno uključiti civilni sektor u kreiranje javnih politika. Prema ideji, civilno bi društvo trebalo sudjelovati u političkom životu pojedine zemlje od samoga početka s glavnim zadatkom detekcije postojanja pojedinih društvenih problema. Takvim inicijativama, ali i sudjelovanjem u samom kreiranju politika te njihovoj promidžbi, civilni sektor postaje partnerom vlasti. Predmet ovog rada jesu civilne udruge kao najčešće organizacije civilnog društva te politički život, tj. kreiranje javnih politika, odnosno, sudjelovanje civilnog sektora u politici. Svrha ovog rada jest dati pregled mogućnosti utjecaja civilnih udruga na kreiranje javnih politika. Konačno, cilj ovog rada jest razumjeti problematiku te eventualne prepreke u sudjelovanju civilnih udruga u političkome životu. ; Civil society in many countries of the democratic world, including the Republic of Croatia, occupies a very important place in political and social life. Namely, the European Union, as a representative of Western, democratic countries, has recognized the civil sector as one of the pillars of society, so in many countries' policies the question arises to what extent and in what way it is right to involve the civil sector in policy making. According to the idea, civil society should participate in the political life of a particular country from the very beginning with the main task of detecting the existence of certain social problems. With such initiatives, but also by participating in the very creation of policies and their promotion, the civil sector becomes a partner of the government. The subject of this paper are civil society organizations as the most common civil society ...

Povijest nastanka i djelovanja građanskih udruga u Lici može se pratiti još od 1835. godine kada je osnovana Narodna čitaonica u Senju. Ipak, tek su krajem 19. stoljeća stvoreni svi preduvjeti za brojnije osnivanje svih vrsta građanskih udruga u Lici te je od tada njihov broj u stalnom povećanju. Iako je nesumnjivo da su razne vrste udruga u Lici svojim djelovanjem pozitivno djelovale na ličko društvo, taj fenomen društvene mikro-povijesti nije bio predmet sveobuhvatnog proučavanja. Ovaj doktorski rad kronološki prati stvaranje prvih građanskih udruga (društava, zaklada, štedionica, klubova i podružnica) u Lici u vrijeme Vojne krajine, njihovo naglo povećanje u vrijeme Ličko-krbavske županije i promjene koje su ih zahvatile u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije te završava početkom Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su građanske udruge u Lici naglo nestale s povijesne pozornice. U radu je prikazano političko, gospodarsko i kulturno stanje u Lici koje je uvelike utjecalo na brzinu i kvalitetu nastanka novih udruga. Također su obrađene i građanske udruge izvan prostora Like jer je njihova kulturna i ekonomska interakcija bila važan element u razvoju ove regije. Stoga je cilj ovog doktorskog rada po prvi put u našoj historiografiji dati, ne samo sumarni prikaz građanskih udruga, već i razloge, uzroke te posljedice njihovog postojanja na prostoru Like i Senja, a sve u svrhu boljega razumijevanja kompleksnih i nedovoljno razjašnjenih povijesnih procesa u hrvatskoj povijesnoj regiji Lici. ; The beginings of organizations set up in Lika region reaches far into the past, in the time of medieval brotherhoods; however, the first civil organizations in Lika did not arise until the Military Border systems have been abolished and until the break through of the modernization processes that originated in the Civic Croatia. The city of Senj had partially different but also earlier organizations' development. The first known civic organization on the area that has been the subject of this doctoral dissertation was The National Library in the city of Senj, founded in 1835. Withal, this civil organization is the first one in Croatia. In Lika region, the first civil organizations were not founded until the abrogation of the Military Border which, at the same time, has been the starting point for the progression of one of the most important forms of modernization. In the first part of this scientific work, social stratification and differentiation in the everyday life of Lika's residents has been depicted, whereas the usage of an argumented research approach has served to explain complex political, military, economic and other mutual influences between Lika's peasants-soldiers and the authorities that have dominated during that time. Multiple conflicts, unsafe and economically marginalized area, unsettled property laws and so called 'cooperative phenomena' are just a part of the numerous reasons why Lika region has entered Croatian and Habsbourg Monarchy's cultural and social processes relatively late. An emphasis is on the development of education, literacy and culture as basic determinants of future development of the civil organizations. Second major group of the research questions deals with an emersion of the organizations on the Croatian and European area, as a result of new global political processes. This part of the disertation tries to answer the question 'which were the reasons for the organizations' establishment in the first place', so as 'to what extent the organizations have influenced the residents of Wienna, Zagreb and other cities of the Habsbourg Monarchy'? Special emphasis is put on the law regulations, that is, so called 'Imperial Decree' which has helped the organizations to establish and work. Also, this group of the research questions discusses the inherited differences that existed in an administration, mentality and the development itself between the former Military Border and the Civic Croatia. Comparative research has provided an evidence that the development of a new district – Lika-Krbava county – when compared to the other districts, has been minor. Also, the questions that have been the matter of this scientific work were 'which kind of the organizations were there in the first place, 'what is the nature of the organizations' and 'which is the real level on which these organizations have fulfilled their purposes and goals'. This kind of analysis is very important in order to understand Lika's history from the beginning of the 20th century; in this period economic and cultural life of the Lika's residents is highly inflenced by a new regime of the Kingdom of SHS and, later on, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This group of questions especially makes an exception of the city of Senj, as a kind of border exception, but also explains which political and economic circumstances and perplexities resulted in prosperity and stagnation of the city beneath the Nehaj Fortress. The third group of the research questions, using the archive sources of the civil organizations' rules, gives an overview of more than one hundred and fifty civil organizations according to the territorial regions (districts) that existed during the Lika-Krbava county and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This section reveals the purposes, goals and the activities of administrative councils and assemblies of all major civic organizations (associations, clubs, affiliates, commities, foundations) found in the districts that existed during that time – Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Gospić, Korenica, Otočac, Perušić, Udbina and the cities Senj and Karlobag. In spite of major illiteracy, political and national antagonism and the fact that Lika was at the periphery in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, until the beginning of the World War I, a great number of the organizations has been established in Lika region. When talking about this in the first place, we must mention some proffesional societies, libraries, 'falcon' organizations, music organizations and economic organizations, although there were also some historical occurences such as the first theatrical group in Otočac, or one of the oldest tennis clubs in Croatia, the one in Gospić. Thereby, in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, Lika is the region of the numerous changes, but even more is the region of the extreme contradictions. In the same (research) way, the attention has been dedicated to history of Lika's organizations outside Lika's area. Throughout this group of questions not all civic organizations outside Lika have been elaborated, only those whose members actively participated in the development of the possibilities for the future economic prosperity of Lika region. Therefore, this part of the paper tries to show the connection between Lika region and the other parts of the countries that existed during that time, where the descendants of Lika's residents have lived. This scientific work tries to answer the questions of the real connection of Lika's people outside Lika with the real problems which were perceived by them in a different way than by those who remained living in the homeland. The Society of Lika's people in Zagreb was Lika's major emigrant organization which intensively helped its agile members and offered a solution for a hard life in Lika region. The Society for the preservation of the Plitvice Lakes was one of the best known organizations in Croatia, however, its class and narcissistic behaviour could not have been accepted by most of Lika's residents. In spite of individual interests of a great number of members of Lika's civic organizations, what does remain is a constatation that the organizations, especially those whose members were peasants, have obtained a huge success when it comes to development of cooperatives, crafts, agriculture, but also education and culture. Also, what is notecable is the fact that efficiency of the numerous affiliates of federate economic organizations has increased, what leads to the conclusion that the overall progress in Lika was connected with the political and economic centres outside Lika. A key influence onto the organizations' development in Lika was the one by certain individuals such as Buda Budisavljević, Ivan Devčić, Dragutin Trstenjak, Ante Cividini, Ivan Krajač, Ivan Gojtan, Ante Lončarić, so as many other culturaly and publicly known people. In that way, this doctoral thesis has scientificaly confirmed an actual similarity of the associations and organizations in Lika with those in the rest of Croatia, but also that these similarities were, in fact, quite limited. Civic organizations are an important factor in every community, so as, of course, for Lika's identity which is historically saturated in turbulent ways. This work tries to make a contribution not just to better understanding of the civic organizations in Lika, but to contribute to understand the overall environment, that is, the atmosphere in Lika region. This gives new knowledge regarding micro-historical elements of one culture that has been a carrier of social, cultural, political and economic development of the region between the Kapela mountains in the north and South Velebit and the river Zrmanja stream in the south. This doctoral thesis is the first scientific contribution to better understanding of the civic organizations and their importance in the region under consideration. Although this thesis, through the depiction of work of the civic organizations in Lika, has tried to give an answer regarding broader social, political, economic, cultural and religious life of Lika and Senj's residents in the period of turbulent and modernisation processes, some questions remain only partially answerable. If we take into consideration the broadness, possibilities and influence of the organizations, this observation is logical, too. Also, here we can talk about a vast area which makes a closed whole only in certain segments. That is the reason why this overview of the work of the civic organizations in Lika asks for further research attention, especially when it comes to the analysis of economic changes which have occurred in Lika during the second part of the 19th and the first part of the 20th century. In order to accomplish this, besides the archival research, a potential researcher must pay attention to the statistical analysis. Moreover, this scientific work gives just a model of how to evaluate certain types of the civic organizations and how to compare them with the organizations similar to them. Although this doctoral thesis had to be done within a canonical time frame, it will be praiseworthy if we compare the civic organizations in Lika which exist today to those which have existed during the period of Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Of course, this kind of research calls for plenty of time, as well as considerable material assets, hence it can be done sometime in the future. Despite the fact that the tragic events during the World War II lead to the abolition of the civic organizations outside Lika region, the constitution of the Republic of Croatia has created the conditions for the reestablishment of the organizations. Nowadays, more than twenty organizations outside Lika work very actively and responsibly in order to interconnect Lika's emigrants and their descendants with their homeland, from where their ancestors arrived more than one hundred and fifty years ago.

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

Analizira se suradnja javne uprave i organizacija civilnog društva u procesu odlučivanja. Snaženje koncepta regulacijske države mijenja ulogu javne vlasti u procesu odlučivanja. To se posebno očituje kroz širenje broja akera koji sudjeluju u izradi politika i odluka. Europska unija razvija mogućnosti i načine putem kojih razne organizacije civilnog društva imaju priliku dati svoje mišljenje o donošenju određene odluke. Republika Hrvatska pokušava slijediti taj trend definiranjem odredbi o postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću i uspostavljanjem mehanizama suradnje s organizacijama civilnog društva i drugim akterima na izradi zakona, drugih propisa i akata. Također se analiziraju formalne mogućnosti i stvarna participacija civilnog društva u postupcima savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću te odnos s javnom vlasti u izradi odluka. Analiziraju se instrumenti savjetovanja sa zainteresiranom javnošću u EU-u i Hrvatskoj. Upozorava se na određene probleme u regulaciji i provedbi instrumenta te se predlažu rješenja za poboljšanje. ; The strengthening of the regulatory state concept in recent decades has changed the role of public authorities in the decision-making process, rendering them just one of the many different participants involved in policy-making and the decision-making process. As regulation became their primary function, public authorities began to emphasise the quality of the decision-making process and the decisions it engenders in order to encourage the establishment of a suitable environment for economic development. Therefore, supranational organisations and many countries are implementing regulatory reforms in an attempt to create better regulation, and in the context of these reforms they are using instruments of civil society participation in decision-making. As a result of various circumstances, creating relations with civil society based on cooperation and partnership is often a relatively slow and gradual process, yet progress is notable. The European Union is constantly evolving opportunities and ways in which various civil society organisations can convey their opinions about the adoption of certain decisions at the EU level. Croatia has also, particularly over the last seven years, tried to follow this trend by defining the legal provisions and procedures of public consultations, and by establishing mechanisms for cooperation with civil society organisations and many other stakeholders in the drafting of laws and other regulations. The paper analyses the role of civil society and the opportunities for public consultations in the European Union and Croatia. The analysis results indicate progress as well as problems. The author suggests improvements with regard to the cooperation between civil society and public administration in public consultations.

Članak obrazlaže potrebu eksplicitnoga uključivanja civilnoga društva u Rawlsov sustav političkog liberalizma. Članak identificira tri problema u Rawlsovu sustavu i tada kroz definicije civilnoga društva Keanea, Taylora, Gellnera i Rosenblum izlaže mogućnosti njihova rješavanja. Prvi je problem onaj stabilnosti demokratskih sustava, koji je Rawls riješio uvođenjem preklapajućeg konsenszusa. Rawls, ipak nije dostatno objasnio dinamiku interakcije između razložnih doktrina, čime je ostavio prostor za gubitak potpore trenutnoj političkoj koncepciji pravde u slučajevima u kojima politički predstavnici previše često ignoriraju stavove razložnih doktrina. Drugi je problem onaj nerazložnih doktrina: Rawls planira da ih se riješi uobičajenim pravnim mehanizmima, ali ne elaborira kako se mogu nadzirati njihove aktivnosti. Posljednji je problem onaj stvaranja i mijenjanja javnoga uma, u kojem Rawls ne daje dostatne načine na koji javnost može utjecati na odluke zakonodavaca, sudstva i državnih dužnosnika. Esej identificira elemente definicija civilnoga društva koji rješavaju ova tri problema i zaključuje da bi Rawlsov sustav bio ojačan uključivanjem civilnoga društva. ; The essay argues for explicit inclusion of civil society into Rawls's system of political liberalism. It identifies three problems in Rawls's system and then using the definitions of civil society by Keane, Taylor, Gellner and Rosenblum presents the opportunities for their solution. The first problem is the one of stability of democratic systems, which Rawls solved by introducing overlapping consensus. The essay argues that Rawls does not sufficiently account for the dynamics of the interaction between reasonable doctrines, which can conceivably result in the withdrawal of support for the current political conception of justice if the citizens' representatives too often ignore the views of too many reasonable doctrines. The second problem is the one of unreasonable doctrines: Rawls plans that they be kept under check by legal mechanisms, but does not elaborate on how their activities can be supervised. The final problem is the one of the (re)creation of public reason, in which Rawls offers insufficient means through which the public can influence the actions of law-makers, the judiciary and state officials. The essay identifies the elements of the definitions of civil society that address the three problems and concludes that Rawls's system would be made stronger by the introduction of civil society.

Članak donosi rezultate empirijskog istraživanja o odnosu lokalnog stanovništva prema potencijalnoj izgradnjiterminala za ukapljeni plin (LNG) pored naselja Omišalj na otoku Krku, 2006. godine na uzorku od 240ispitanika.Analizom rezultata autorica odgovara na tri postavljena pitanja: da li je lokalno stanovništvo spremno na aktivanangažman u svezi projekta LNG; koji su uvjeti stanovništva za moguće prihvaćanje izgradnje terminala;kakav je angažman lokalnog stanovništva u političkim strankama i udruženjima građana.Rezultati su pokazali da je trećina ispitanika potpuno pasivna dok je relativno mali postotak ispitanika spremansuprotstaviti se izgradnji (15,8%) ili pak uz neku osobnu korist (13,3%). Postoji spremnost da se prihvatiizgradnja LNG terminala pod uvjetom da se time ne zagađuje more - Kvarnerski zaljev (72%) i neugrožava turizam (67%).Najveći broj ispitanika angažiran je u sportskim udrugama (11%), zatim udrugama civilnog društva a najmanjiu političkim strankama (ispod 5%). Rezultati se analiziraju s obzirom na sociodemografska obilježjaispitanika.Autorica zaključuje da su slabi lokalni potencijali civilnog društva. ; Results of empirical research (survey) about local population's relation toward possible building of LNG terminal near byOmišalj on the island Krk are presented in this paper. Survey was conducted during the year 2006, on the occasionalsample of local population (N=240).Through results analysis author is answered on three standing questions: (1) about local population's readiness for activeengagement considering LNG project, (2) about local population's specific conditions for possible acceptance of LNGterminal building, (3) about local population's engagement in political parties and associations of citizens.Results are showed that one third of examinees are totally passive, while relatively small percent of them is ready to standagainst building of LNG terminal (15, 8%), or will be trying to gain some personal benefit from it (13, 3%). There is areadiness for LNG terminal's acceptance, but under conditions that this building would not pollute the sea –Kvarner Bay(72, 0%) and would not jeopardize tourism (67, 0%).The majority of local population is included in sports associations (11, 0%), then in civil society associations, andminority is included in political parties (below 5, 0%). Results were also analyzed considering basic socio-demographiccharacteristics.Among other things, author concluded that local potentials for civil society are weak.

U Koprivnici je u rujnu 1945. obnovljeno izlaženje međuratnog tjednika Podravske novine. Nakladnik lista bila je gradska Narodna fronta, a projekt su vodili predsjednik gradskog Narodnog odbora Ivan Paprila i tiskar Valko Loborec, članovi KPH, dok je glavninu tekstova pisao dotad jedini koprivnički profesionalni novinar Dušan Ožegović. Oni su imali važnu ulogu i u predratnim Podravskim novinama, pa su vlastima predstavljali garanciju da će list zadovoljiti čitalačku publiku, ali i da će vjerno slijediti liniju Partije i njenog političkog partnera HRSS-a. Glavni je zadatak lista bila politička priprema građana na predstojeće parlamentarne i lokalne izbore, ali i prozivanje, po potrebi i prokazivanje, švercera, špekulanata i ostalih stvarnih i potencijalnih »narodnih neprijatelja«. Unatoč visoke ideologiziranosti na rigidnoj partijskog liniji, list je zahvaljujući Ožegovićevom zanatskom umijeću, vezanom za standarde građanskog novinarstva, i iznimno vrijedan izvor informacija o tegobnom življenju u poslijeratnoj Koprivnici, kad su nedostajali i osnovni prehrambeni proizvodi, odjeća i ogrijev. Unatoč vrlo uvjerljive pobjede na izborima, vlasti nisu bile zadovoljne osvojenim postotkom glasova, što je bio i uvod u ukidanje lista u veljači 1946., a kao formalni je razlog navedena nestašica novinskog papira. ; In Koprivnica, in September 1945, the publication of the interwar weekly Podravske novine was resumed. The publisher of the paper was the city's People's Front, and the project was led by the president of the city's People's Committee Ivan Paprika and printer Valko Loborec, members of the KPH, while the majority of texts were written by the only Koprivnica professional journalist Dušan Ožegović. They also played an important role in the pre-war Podravske novine, so they provided the authorities with a guarantee that the paper would satisfy the readership, but also that it would faithfully follow the line of the Party and its political partner HRSS. The main task of the list was the political preparation of the citizens for the upcoming parliamentary and local elections, but also the proclamation, if necessary, denunciation, of smugglers, speculators and other real and potential »enemies of the people«. Despite its high ideology on the rigid party line, the paper is, thanks to Ožegović's craftsmanship, related to the standards of citizen journalism, and an extremely valuable source of information on the difficult life in post-war Koprivnica, when basic foodstuffs, clothing and firewood were lacking. Despite a landslide victory in the election, the authorities were dissatisfied with the percentage of votes won, which was the prelude to the abolition of the paper in February 1946, citing a shortage ofnewsprint.

Ovaj rad pokušava razjasniti na koji način i do koje mjere savjetodavna tijela, konkretnije Europski gospodarski i socijalni odbor (Odbor), suštinski pridonose upravljačkim procesima u Europskoj uniji (EU) i legitimnosti donošenja odluka. Pored općenitog priznanja kako su savjetodavna tijela koristan izvor informacija i stručnog znanja, rijetki su ozbiljniji pokušaji da se rasvijetle mehanizmi djelovanja savjetodavnih tijela EU-a. Doprinos ovog rada u tome je što rasvjetljava dodanu vrijednost Odbora. Autor primjenjuje diskurzivni institucionalizam i taksonomije legitimnosti kako bi objasnio funkcionalni razvoj i karakter Odbora te zaključuje da se Odbor tek u manjem opsegu posvećuje utjecanju na konačne zakonodavne prijedloge u EU-u (poglavito oko tema javnih politika u kojima raspolaže specifičnim znanjima, administrativnim i idejnim kapacitetima), a više profiliranju sebe kao "mostobrana" prema EU-u za organizacije civilnog društva (OCD). Čini to tako što djeluje poput deliberativnog foruma i kao nišna institucija koja se posebno specijalizirala za izgradnju civilnog društva, posredovanje i održavanje dobrih odnosa s OCD-ima u zemljama članicama, kandidatkinjama i trećim zemljama. Konačno, Odboru se otvara nova prilika da prenosi glas civilnog društva na europsku razinu i utječe na procese socio-ekonomskog upravljanja u EU-u, i to kroz procedure takozvanog Europskog semestra. ; This article attempts to clarify the modalities and degree to which advisory bodies, exemplified by The European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), are capable of contributing to European Union (EU) governance processes and legitimacy-building in a meaningful manner. Besides acknowledging their contribution via provision of information and technical expertise, serious inquiries into the mechanisms through which EU advisory bodies operate are scarce. In that sense, this paper strives to elucidate the added value of the EESC. The author applies discursive institutionalism and legitimacy taxonomies to explain the functional development and character of the EESC. The paper concludes that the EESC seems to have focused to a lesser extent on influencing EU legislative initiative (dominantly on the public policy items in which the EESC disposes of the highest specific expertise, and administrative/ideational capacities), and more on promoting itself as the bridgehead of organised civil society in the EU. It does so through its deliberative working methods and by detecting topical niches through which the EESC specializes in building civil society, mediating between civil society organisations (CSOs) and the EU, and nurturing decent relationships with CSOs on Member State, candidate country and third country levels. Finally, a novel window of opportunity has opened for the EESC to transmit the voice of civil society to the EU level and to influence EU socio-economic governance, namely through the procedures of the so-called European Semester.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANaslov uvodnika potaknut je građanskom inicijativom koja se u posljednje vrijeme širi Hrvatskom. Iako na facebook grupi, koja poziva na "tri zajednička dana uživanja u sadnji diljem Države" pod motom "Zasadi drvo, ne budi panj", prevladava entuzijazam i želja za jačanjem svijesti hrvatskih građana o očuvanju i zaštiti prirode, postoje i radikalniji osvrti na šumarsku struku i na trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume, poput pitanja zašto se ne organiziraju javni radovi pošumljavanja? Tvrdi se da je to zato jer im je sječa prioritetnija od sadnje. Podmeće se teza: "Ne smiju oni posjeći više nego što mi možemo zasaditi!" Uzori akciji su velike sadnje u nekim zemljama poput Indije i Etiopije. Također poticaj akciji su i katastrofalni požari u plućima svijeta, Amazonskoj prašumi. Pohvalna je dobra volja i želja za ozelenjivanjem, ali ne mogu se uspoređivati zemlje u kojima vladaju drukčiji klimatski i stanišni uvjeti pa nakon sječe ili uništavanja šume požarima dolazi do deforestacije, nestaje tlo i šuma se ne obnavlja. U Republici Hrvatskoj je upravo obrnuto, na djelu je reforestacija, tj. šuma se širi na napuštene poljoprivredne i druge površine, tako da je danas gotovo pola države pod šumom, ali u različitim starosnim kategorijama. Ova akcija je samo odraz zabrinutosti običnog čovjeka, ali i određene neargumentirane histerije koja je pokrenuta protiv šumara u Hrvatskoj.S obzirom na sve učestalije i nekorektne napade na šumarsku struku, što je prevršilo svaku mjeru, potiče nas da se mi kao struka oglasimo. Možemo smireno, stručno i argumentirano, a možemo i bezobrazno kao što se nas napada. Ponajprije, za laike koji to žele čuti, kažemo da je sječa uzgojni zahvat. Šuma ili stablo ima nazovimo ga početak, rast kroz razne uzgojne faze do optimuma, a potom slijedi faza "odumiranja". Zadaća šumarske struke je prebroditi tu zadnju fazu upravo sječom starih stabala, polučiti korist društvu njihovom preradom, ali osiguravši prethodno u jednodobnim sastojinama u godini dobrog uroda sjemena prirodno pomlađivanje. Svakako prije bilo kakvog negativnog stava glede sječe, treba prići vrlo blizu površini gdje je do "jučer" bila npr. stara hrastova šuma te provjeriti da li i što sada raste na toj površini. U prebornoj pak šumi, npr. bukve i jele, prebiru se sječom stara dozrela stabla i ona koja smetaju podmlatku koji treba svijetla da bi ih zamijenio. Samo tamo gdje u potpunosti nije uspjelo prirodno naplođivanje, pa tako i na opožarenim površinama, ide se na pošumljavanje sjemenom ili tzv. "školovanim" sadnicama. Održati šumu vječnom, načelo je potrajnog gospodarenja, čime se ponosi hrvatska znanost i praksa, a što joj i šumarski svijet priznaje. Što rade Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pitaju se pojedini prosvjednici? Zadaća Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. kao trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, kojima je Država povjerila gospodarenje, je obavljati poslove sukladno Osnovama gospodarenja, što znači ne stihijski nego po Zakonu o šumama, sukladno šumarskoj politici i strategiji. Osnove gospodarenja za svaku gospodarsku jedinicu propisuju desetgodišnje aktivnosti, provjerava ih stručno povjerenstvo, a Rješenjem ih odobrava resorni ministar. U njih je ugrađeno i niz propisa i popisa koje propisuje Ministarstvo zaštite okoliša. Znači ništa se ne radi amaterski – sve počiva na znanstvenim i stručnim saznanjima u šumarskoj praksi stečenoj kroz preko 250 godina organiziranog šumarstva. Klimatske promjene, ledolomi, vjetrolomi i štetnici, čemu su posebice u zadnje vrijeme izložene šume, samo još otežavaju rad u šumarstvu i zahtijevaju još veću stručnost i znanje, a nikako amaterizam. Nije bez razloga još u pretprošlom stoljeću zaključeno da za gospodarenje šumom nije dovoljna viša, nego je potrebna visoka stručna sprema, što je kod nas ostvareno 1898. godine početkom rada Šumarske akademije (današnjeg Šumarskog fakulteta), kao četvrte visokoškolske ustanove Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.No, s prekomjernom sječom treba se boriti na dijelu privatnih šumskih parcela, ali s tom stihijom se odnosne udruge ne hvataju u koštac. U istoj rečenici pitamo se bezobrazno: tko su to "oni" koji ne smiju posjeći? Da li su to možda oni koji su pet godina studirali šumarstvo, skupljajući znanja iz botanike, više matematike, kemije, meteorologije, anatomije i fiziologije bilja, pedologije, dendrologije, dendrometrije, uzgajanja šuma, ekologije, uređivanja šuma, zaštite šuma i dr., prisegavši na promociji dipl. ing. šumarstva da će raditi po stručnim šumarskim načelima. Lekcije im pak dijele oni koji su u slobodno vrijeme malo "proguglali" i na vikend izletima uz dobru zabavu, "učvrstili" svoje znanje o šumarstvu. Njihovi stručni sufleri, a kažu da ih imaju, mogli bi konačno javno polemizirati. Očekivali bi od odnosnih udruga da nas podupru u protivljenju smanjenja naknada za općekorisne funkcije šuma (OKFŠ), iz kojih se financiraju izgradnja protupožarnih prometnica, gašenja požara, pošumljavanje opožarenih površina i razminiranje površina, no one očito pristaju da se to "gura" u parafiskalne namete. Hrvatska Vlada od Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. očekuje uplatu u državni proračun, dok čitamo, Njemačka Vlada ulaže 500 mil. EURA za sanaciju šuma, jer ih se prošle godine osušilo preko 110.000 ha.Nemamo ništa protiv toga da se ozelenjuju neke gradske površine, ali i to mora biti planski, kako izborom površina, tako i vrstom drveća, poznavajući i poštujući njihove ekološke i biološke zahtjeve. Saditi bilo što i bilo gdje, što iščitavamo iz upućenog poziva, je neodgovorno i prema prostoru, ali i prema biljci.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe headline of the editorial was prompted by a civil initiative sweeping through Croatia in recent times. The Facebook group, which calls for "three enjoyable days of planting trees across the State" under the motto "Plant a tree, don't be a stump", is imbued with enthusiasm and a wish to raise the awareness of Croatian citizens of the need to preserve and protect the nature; however, there are also more radical views on the forestry profession and the company Croatian Forests Ltd. Among others, they ask why there are no public afforestation activities and conclude that the reason lies in the fact that cutting trees has priority over planting them. There is an undergoing statement: "They cannot fell more than we can plant!" The campaign was prompted by large-scale planting campaigns in some countries such as India and Ethiopia. Another incentive to the campaign was provided by the devastating fires taking place in the lungs of the world, the Amazonian rain forest. The will and wish to plant trees deserves full credit, but we cannot be compared with the countries with different climatic and habitat conditions, in which felling or forest fires result in deforestation, loss of forest soil and inability of forests to regenerate. The situation in the Republic of Croatia is diametrically opposite: reforestation is an ongoing process; in other words, the forest spreads into abandoned agricultural and other areas, so that currently almost half of the country is covered with forests of different age categories. This campaign reflects the concern of the ordinary person, but also contains certain ill founded hysterical reactions targeted at foresters in Croatia.In view of the ever more frequent and unfounded attacks on the forestry profession, which has gone out of hand, it is time for the profession to voice its opinion. We can do it in two ways: we can either put forward professional and well founded arguments, or retaliate in the same impertinent manner in which we are being attacked. To start with, for those who are ready to listen, let us stress that felling is a silvicultural operation. A forest or a tree has its beginning, followed by growth through different silvicultural stages until it reaches its optimum and finally the stage of "dying". The task of the forestry profession is to deal with this last stage by cutting down old trees, making profit for the society by processing these cut trees, and ensuring natural regeneration in even-aged stands in the years of good seed mast. Before any negative attitude on a felling operation is taken, it would be advisable to inspect closely the area which was until "yesterday" covered by an old oak forest and check what is being planted in this area, if anything. In a selection forest of, e.g. beech and fir, felling is applied to remove old mature trees and those trees which prevent young trees from reaching the necessary light for growth. Reforestation with seeds or with so-called "trained" seedlings is applied only in those areas in which natural seedling has not been completely successful or in areas badly affected by fires. Maintaining the forest in a perpetually stable condition is the principle of sustainable management. This principle is something that Croatian science and practice is rightly proud of and for which it receives acknowledgement from the global forestry world.What does the company Croatian Forests Ltd do, some protesters ask? The task of the company, as a state-owned company which has been entrusted by the State with caring for the forests, is to manage forests and carry out all the jobs set down in management plans, in line with the Forest Act, the forestry policy and strategy. There is no question here of chaotic and disorganized management. Management plans for every management unit prescribe the execution of ten-year activities. These plans are verified by expert committees and approved by the corresponding minister. They also contain regulations and rules set down by the Ministry of Environmental Protection. As seen from the above, nothing is done on an amateur basis - everything is firmly grounded on scientific and expert knowledge of the forestry practice, which has been acquired through 250 and more years of organized forestry. Climate change, damage caused by ice and wind, as well as pests, to which forests have been particularly exposed in recent times, make work in forestry even more difficult and require even more expertise and knowledge - certainly not amateurism. This is the reason that as far back as the 18th century it was realized that management of forests required not just a college degree but academic education. In Croatia, this was put to practice in1898, when the Forestry Academy (the present day Faculty of Forestry) was opened as the fourth institution of higher education within the University of Zagreb.A battle against excessive felling should be fought in parts of privately owned forest areas, yet the above groups fail to grapple with this problem. Allow us to be impertinent enough to ask: who are "they" who are not allowed to perform felling operations? Perhaps those who have studied forestry for five years, acquired knowledge of botany, higher mathematics, chemistry, meteorology, plant anatomy and physiology, pedology, dendrology, dendrometrics, silviculture, ecology, forest planning, forest protection and other fields, and who have, when receiving their degrees of graduate engineers of forestry, pledged to adhere to expert forestry principles in their work? Such professionals are then lectured by those who have "googled" something about forestry and who have gained their knowledge of forestry at weekend outings in forests. We would welcome with open arms their expert advisors, which they claim there are many, to finally come out and engage in public debates. We would expect from these groups to support us in opposing the move to cut down on non-market forest function fees, which are used to finance the construction of fire breaks, fire suppression, reforestation of burnt areas and demining areas. Obviously, they prefer these fees to be "pushed" into parafiscal levies. While the Croatian government expects from the company Croatian Forests Ltd to pay into the state budget, the German government invests 500 million euro into the recovery of forests, since over 110,000 ha of forests dried only last year.We have nothing against making city areas green, but this should be carried out in a planned manner, both as regards the choice of areas and the choice of tree species, taking into account their ecological and biological requirements. Planting anything and anywhere, as seen from the initiative, is irresponsible both for the area and for the plant.Editorial Board