The Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 divided the Greek society into allies of the monarchy and supporters of the Communist Party of the Greece-led Transitional Democratic Government of Free Greece. The military arm of the leftist center was the Democratic Army of Greece. Until some time, the communist forces were actively supported by the countries of the Eastern Bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. However, the Stalin-Tito conflict, which intensified from 1948 onwards, contributed to the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece, caused by the overwhelming military advantage of the monarchist forces. In mid-1949, a decision was made to evacuate partisan units and the civilian population that had been under their control to Albania. Also, Poland, a country that suffered greatly as a result of World War II, helped Greece. First, by providing food, military and medical equipment, and later by accepting over 13,000 children and adults, fighters and civilians from the areas covered by the war, all terribly tired of war and wandering. The group of migrants was organized from scratch, provided medical and social care, work, education, and access to culture. Migrations of people in search of shelter from conflicts, persecution, and poverty are not only a contemporary problem of the European Union. This article presents the reforms initiated by the government of the Polish People's Republic as a result of the escalation of the crisis in the Balkans. In Poland refugees from Greece found completely new living, civilization, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions. Gradually, they managed to settle in this foreign country. Today many of them are grateful to Poland for their help.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Tekst przedstawia politykę historyczną Rosji w kontekście syryjskiego sekularyzmu – ukazuje nową rundę zmagań pomiędzy anglosaskim optymizmem dotyczącym islamu na Bliskim Wschodzie a historycznym rosyjskim realizmem. Po pierwsze, wspierana przez Rosję świecka partia Baas zapewniła trwałą integrację mniejszości Syrii w pewien typ społeczeństwa i systemu politycznego gwarantującego wolność religijną w przeciwieństwie do systemów radykalnego islamu. Po drugie, Rosja wykorzystuje pamięć zbiorową alawitów i chrześcijan odnoszącą się do sunnickich prześladowań oraz kontrowersyjne alianse USA, utwierdzając swe wpływy zagraniczne, głównie w regionach związanych z prawosławiem. Po trzecie, Stany Zjednoczone i niektóre państwa UE osądzają działalność al-Assada według własnej perspektywy po 1990 r., tzn. eksperymentu wdrażania standardów wielokulturowego społeczeństwa. Z kolei Rosja ocenia sytuację w regionie z perspektywy co najmniej 200 lat, które obfitowały w wiele dramatycznych wydarzeń, z najbardziej bolesnym: ludobójstwem Ormian. Problemem jest to, że w przypadku ewentualnego upadku rządów Baszara Al-Asada Zachód nie będzie w stanie zapewnić mniejszościom długoterminowego bezpieczeństwa według swoich demokratycznych standardów. W tej sytuacji alawici i chrześcijanie upatrują w Rosji gwaranta bezpieczeństwa i wolności religijnej. Zachodnie wsparcie dla "demokracji" na Bliskim Wschodzie i Azji Centralnej przerodziło się w pasmo konfliktów i zaowocowało niebywałym rozwojem radykalnego islamu. ; This article presents an overview of the principal results of research on the historically-oriented policy of Russia's activity in the Middle East in the context of the case of Syrian- Ba'thist secularism. Firstly, supported by Russia the secular approach of the Syrian Baath Party has provided integration of the Alawites, Christians and other minorities into the political system and society. Secondly, Russia has used memories of many religious warfare and Islamic (Sunni) persecution of Alawites and Orthodox Christians. Using this kind of collective memories, Russian policy has linked many Christian nations. Thirdly, one of the misunderstandings is that the United States and some EU countries judge Assad and Syria by the modern standards of post 1990 Western Europe; Putin and Russia are judging matters in the context of over two hundred years of conflicts and persecutions. Probably, it is a new round of competition between the Anglo-Saxon liberal optimism and historical Russian pessimism. The problem is that in the case of Assad's fall Washington and none of its Western allies are able to provide long-term security for Syrian minorities according to their democratic standards. Paradoxically, the Alawites and Christians automatically see Russia as a natural protector of human rights at least in terms of religious freedom. Unfortunately, today's western support for 'democracies' in the Middle East (Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Libya) has been unsuccessful.
The conflict in Syria that started in 2011 has quickly evolved from a local uprising inspired by the events of the so-called "Arab Spring" into a multidimensional and complicated conflict of a civil war character, with many diverse participants and a very significant religious factor apart from political and socioeconomic reasons. Furthermore, the conflict has become internationalized: more and more external parties have gotten involved in it with a view to furthering or safeguarding their own interests. A vast majority of these actors were states (as far as legal entities are concerned). In the context of their activity, operations of non-state entities, such as international organizations, were rather limited and focused on social and humanitarian issues. This also pertains to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Evolving from a typical defensive alliance towards a security organization and, since the end of the Cold War, consistently operating outside the area covered by the Treaty (understood as the territories of member states), NATO as an autonomous entity has not taken any consistent, coordinated, or decisive actions during the first years of the Syrian conflict. This is due to both the specific features of this international organization and the determinants of the international environment with their dynamics.
Civil defence means actions aiming at protecting population, industrial plants, utility companies, and cultural goods, saving and helping the injured in times of war, as well as cooperating in fighting natural disasters and environmentas threats and in deletion of their effects. Vivil defence should function on the basis of the principle of generality, obligation, unvariability of organizational structure, complexity of operation, adequacy, readiness, decentralization of management, planning, support, and interterritorial solidarity. The central organ of government administration for civil defence is the Chief of Civil Defence of the Country, who is appointed by the Prime Minister. The motion is put forward by the minister of internal affairs. Provincial governors, starosts, borough leaders, presidents of towns or cities are local organs of civil defence. ; Obrona cywilna to działania mające na celu ochronę ludności, zakładów pracy i urządzeń użyteczności publicznej, dóbr kultury, ratowanie i udzielanie pomocy poszkodowanym w czasie wojny oraz współdziałanie w zwalczaniu klęsk żywiołowych i zagrożeń środowiska oraz usuwanie ich skutków. Obrona cywilna powinna funkcjonować na podstawie zasady powszechności, obowiązkowości, niezmienności struktur organizacyjnych, kompleksowości działania, adekwatności, gotowości, decentralizacji zarządzania, planowania, wsparcia i międzyterytorialnej solidarności. Centralnym organem administracji rządowej w sprawach obrony cywilnej jest szef Obrony Cywilnej Kraju, którego powołuje Prezes Rady Ministrów na wniosek ministra właściwego do spraw wewnętrznych. Terenowymi organami obrony cywilnej są wojewodowie, starostowie, wójtowie lub burmistrzowie (prezydenci miast).
Arabska Wiosna nie zakończyła się po zmianach politycznych jakie miały miejsce w wielu państwach Afryki Północnej w roku 2011. Przedstawiona analiza odnosi się bezpośrednio do roku 2012 oraz początków 2013, wskazuje na dynamiczny charakter procesów z nią związanych, zarówno w odniesieniu do całego regionu, jak i poszczególnych państw. W artykule szczególnym obszarem analizy jest Izrael oraz jego sąsiedzi, a także inni ważni gracze na scenie politycznej Bliskiego Wschodu – Arabia Saudyjska, Iran, Rosja, Turcja, USA oraz Unia Europejska. Najbardziej dramatyczny charakter ma w chwili oddawania tego materiału do druku, krwawa wojna domowa w Syrii, która jest strategicznym sąsiadem Izraela. ; The Arab Spring did not end after the political transformations that occurred in numerous North African states in 2011. The analysis presented here refers directly to 2012 and early 2013 indicating the dynamic character of the processes related to the Arab Spring, both in respect of the entire region and individual states. Particular attention in the analysis is devoted to Israel and its neighbors, as well as other important actors on the Middle Eastern political stage, namely Saudi Arabia, Iran, Russia, Turkey, the US and the European Union. At the time this paper is being submitted for print, the most dramatic events are taking place in Syria, a strategic neighbor of Israel, where a bloody civil war is ongoing.
Po wybuchu konfliktu w Syrii w proces pokojowy, mający na celu ustabilizowanie sytuacji w kraju, zaangażowały się Stany Zjednoczone i Federacja Rosyjska. W początkowej fazie tego procesu Rosja inicjowała polityczne plany dotyczące rozwiązania sporu, jednocześnie sukcesywnie blokując projekty Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wzywające do ustąpienia Baszara al Asada. W konsekwencji zmiany, jaka nastąpiła w polityce zagranicznej Rosji po aneksji Krymu, rozpoczęła ona działania militarne maj mające na celu wyparcie z Syrii sił opozycyjnych i nieumożliwienie Zachodowi przeprowadzania ewentualnej interwencji. Brak zdecydowanej reakcji Stanów Zjednoczonych sprawił, że w przeciągu kilku lat ofensywa reżimu syryjskiego, wsparta militarnie przez Rosję, sprowadziła do defensywy wspierane przez USA siły opozycyjne . W efekcie intensywnego zaangażowania Rosji w procesie rozwiązania konfliktu syryjskiego kraj ten na nowo zacz zaczął odgrywać kluczową rolę na arenie międzynarodowej. Konflikt w Syrii uwidocznił aspiracje rządu rosyjskiego do odbudowy pozycji mocarstwowej swojego pa państwa. ; Following the outbreak of the conflict in Syria, the United States and Russian Federation became involved in the peace process aimed at stabilizing the internal situation. In the initial phase of this process, Russia introduced political plans to resolve the dispute, while successively blocking UNSC projects calling for the resignation of Bashar al-Assad. As a consequence of the changes that took place in Russia's foreign policy after the annexation of Crimea, it began conducting military activities aimed at ousting opposition forces from Syria and preventing the West from making any possible intervention. Due to the lack of a decisive response from the United States, within a few years the Syrian regime's offensive, militarily supported by Russia, reduced the opposition forces supported by the US to the defense. As a result of Russi's intense involvement in the process of resolving the Syrian conflict, this country has once again started to play a key role in the international arena. The conflict in Syria has highlighted the Russian government's aspirations to rebuild its state as a superpower.
W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. 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The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.
The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.
One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific 'constitutional pact.' However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a 'loop transformation' syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia. ; One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific 'constitutional pact.' However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a 'loop transformation' syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia.
Among many conflicts between United States and Soviet Union during the cold war era, one of the longest were Namibia's independence war and civil war in Angola. In the historiography, especially South Africa's literature, both of them are linkaged and known as Border War. However, Namibians had begun their struggle in 1966, twenty years later there was no perspective to finisz the war. The major breakthrough appeared in 1987–1988 thanks to series of meetings between president of the US, Ronald Reagan and general secretary of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev. The key role played the year 1988. One year later United Nations has implemented Resolution 435 of Security Council from 1978. From that day, South Africa Defence Forces were beginning withdrawal from Namibia's territory. This article refers about the most characteristic and important aspects of United States' and Soviet Union' negotiations in 1987–1988, especially before and during Moscow summit in May and June 1988. ; Spośród wielu sporów istniejących między Stanami Zjednoczonymi a Związkiem Sowieckim w czasie zimnej wojny jednymi z trwających najdłużej była wojna o niepodległość Namibii i wojna domowa w Angoli, w literaturze traktowane niekiedy jako jeden konflikt, nazywany południowoafrykańską wojną o granice. Walka Namibijczyków o wolność trwała od 1966 r., jednak 20 lat później wciąż nie było widać perspektyw szybkiego zakończenia konfliktu. Przełom nastąpił w latach 1987–1988 dzięki seriom spotkań i negocjacji, jakie odbyły się między administracją prezydenta USA Ronalda Reagana i sekretarza generalnego KPZS Michaiła Gorbaczowa. Dla rozwiązania kwestii Namibii kluczowym rokiem był 1988 dzięki podpisaniu w Nowym Jorku grudniowych porozumień między władzami Angoli, Kuby i RPA. Rok później rozpoczęto realizację Rezolucji Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 435, a wojska południowoafrykańskie zaczęły stopniowo opuszczać terytorium Namibii. Artykuł ma na celu wskazać najważniejsze aspekty negocjacji między USA i ZSRS w sprawie Namibii w latach 1987–1988, głównie przed szczytem i w czasie jego trwania (Moskwa, przełom maja i czerwca 1988 r.).
Afghanistan has been suffering because of military conflicts for 30 years. Due to the soviet military occupation and later on civil war thousands of people have lost their lifes and millions were forced to abandon their homes. Civil service and enterprises collapsed. Ruling the state from the 1996 Talibs changed the country into confessional state, almost completely closed for the entire world. Terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center from the 11 September 2001 and in the consequence NATO's military intervention in Afghanistan got rid ofthe Talibs but at the same time entangled NATO into long-lasting peacekeeping mission. In the polish-afghan's relationship we can single out to periods: 1989-2001 which limited our relationship due to the internal situation in Afghanistan and priorities of the polish foreign policy ( NATO and UE accession). The decision ofsending the polish military troops in 2001 opened the second period - the active polish participation in creating interior safety and balance in Afghanistan and also establishing political and economical cooperation. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18
The forgotten epilogue of the Autumn of Nations. Remarks on Nicaragua's political transformation The article is devoted to political, social and economic situation in Nicaragua in the 1980s and 1990s. It concerns specificity of the state's political transformation's course. Interestingly enough, the process in question seems in many ways analogous to the events in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989. Despite significant differences at the point of departure, the mechanism of transition from totalitarian regime to democracy in Nicaragua displays surprisingly many similarities to the process observed at this time in Poland. It turns out that regardless of dissimilar histories and socio-demographic circumstances, geographic remoteness and total mutual isolation of both countries' societies, as well as incongruity of the two types of conflict (civil war in Nicaragua and an non-violent movement in Poland) — the political transformation in both countries took rather similar course. It clearly shows the existence of strong rules that are gone by communist states in the process of political transformation.
One of the main causes of the anarchy in the political life of Karachay-Cherkessia is the lack of a genuine compromise between the ethnic communities concerning the questions of the political system of the republic. An attempt to develop such a compromise took place in June 1996 and ended by reaching a specific 'constitutional pact.' However, this compromise did not start a consolidation process among the elites on the basis of the constitution. On the contrary, it turned out to be short-lived and even expanded the field of conflicts. The republic was on the brink of civil war as early as in 1999. In the following decade, a state of permanent tensions continued. It resulted with alternating crises of power and an attempt to take over the parliament and government buildings by national minorities with the use of force. The author of this article tries to explain the causes of the political instability in Karachay-Cherkessia. He mainly focuses on the study of the constitutional fundaments of the legal and political order and its confrontation with the reality of political life in the republic. Out of this confrontation there emerges a 'loop transformation' syndrome, which poses a threat to the security and territorial integrity of Karachay-Cherkessia.
Yemen is a country which belongs to the world's poorest regions. Constant civil wars, instability of employment, lack of education and healthcare as well as widespread famine, are only some of the major problems which Yemen struggles with. Due to totalitarian and inefficient rule of the former President Ali Abdall Salli, the political situation worsen leading to so called 'Arab Spring' revolution when the Yemeni society finally said 'no' to the regime. Incompetent political leadership of President Ali Abdullah Saleh as well as his dealings with tribal intricacies created a perfect harbour for al Qaeda creating a sense of destabilizations and fear around the country. Despite of the reigns of newly-elected president , the situation has not improved. Country still remains in a deep economic and social crisis being on verge of another civil war which could be tragic. The main reason for destabilisation in Yemen is growing conflict between Shiite-Huti from the north of the country as well as rapid activation of al Qaeda structures in the Arabian Peninsula in the south. The situation in Yemen shows us how terrorist organizations and other related groups activate in consequence of abolishment of the country's regime and central administration. This kind of situation is not promising for the future of the country. It needs to be said openly that without help from other countries and international organisations, Yemen is unable to cope with the existing situation and it is the only way to save that region which as we know plays a strategic role in the international arena.