An introduction tocivil wars
In: Civil wars, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1743-968X
In: Civil wars, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1743-968X
In: Civil wars, Band 1, Heft 1, S. ebi-ebi
ISSN: 1743-968X
In: International journal of Iberian studies, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 79-86
Paul Preston (Liverpool, 1946) has been professor in international history at the London School of Economics since 1991 and is the honorary president of the Association for Contemporary Iberian Studies. Renowned for his work on the Spanish Civil War and Francoist dictatorship, Preston's internationally acclaimed books include A People Betrayed (2020), The Last Days of the Spanish Republic (2016), The Spanish Holocaust (2012), The Spanish Civil War (2006), Doves of War: Four Women of Spain (2002), Comrades! Portraits from the Spanish Civil War (1999) and Franco: A Biography (1993). An English-language edition of his latest work Arquitectos del terror: Franco y los artífices del odio, published in Spanish in 2021, is due for publication in Autumn 2022. Preston was interviewed in January 2021 by Deborah Madden, a Leverhulme Trust research fellow at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Preston offers intriguing insight into his research, discussing the politics of sexual violence, memory politics, research as a form of activism and his main regret as a historian. The following transcript has been edited for length and clarity.
This book examines the emergent conviction that UN robust peacekeeping works better than UN traditional peacekeeping in reducing civilian killings within contemporary post-cold war violent civil wars. In an unprecedented study, Nsia-Pepra has systematically and empirically documented the relationship between robust peacekeeping and civilian killings in violent civil wars using both statistical and case study models. His research, engagingly expounded upon in UN Robust Peacekeeping, indicates that robust peacekeeping works better than traditional peacekeeping in lowering civilian killings by spoilers in violent civil wars. His book also presents the concept of a formidable barrier model of robust peacekeeping success using the game theoretical model. It makes policy recommendations to enhance the UN's capacity to protect civilians from human rights violations, including a unified, coherent doctrinal definition for robust peacekeeping, an operational doctrine on the use of force, and improved UN intelligence capacity. Nsia-Pepra also suggests employing the GA 1950 Uniting for Peace Resolution as well as robust mandates, common training doctrine, pre-deployment training, improved UN intelligence capacity, major power participation, implementation of R2P and US objective global leadership.
Jamestown, the Lost Colony of Roanoke, and Plymouth Rock are central to America's mythic origin stories. Then, we are told, the main characters--the "friendly" Native Americans who met the settlers--disappeared. But the history of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina demands that we tell a different story. As the largest tribe east of the Mississippi and one of the largest in the country, the Lumbees have survived in their original homelands, maintaining a distinct identity as Indians in a biracial South. In this passionately written, sweeping work of history, Malinda Maynor Lowery narrates the Lumbees' extraordinary story as never before. The Lumbees' journey as a people sheds new light on America's defining moments, from the first encounters with Europeans to the present day. How and why did the Lumbees both fight to establish the United States and resist the encroachments of its government? How have they not just survived, but thrived, through Civil War, Jim Crow, the civil rights movement, and the war on drugs, to ultimately establish their own constitutional government in the twenty-first century? Their fight for full federal acknowledgment continues to this day, while the Lumbee people's struggle for justice and self-determination continues to transform our view of the American experience. Readers of this book will never see Native American history the same way.
A partir de una perspectiva etnometodológica, y fundamentalmente a través del análisis del discurso de informantes, el artículo propone, por una parte, un análisis de las principales dimensiones temáticas manifiestas en las narrativas que, desde los recuerdos individuales, configuran la memoria del miedo que se entreteje en comunidades rurales del sur de Aragón, a propósito de la vivencia de la Guerra Civil española. Al mismo tiempo, analiza las principales expresiones del miedo a esa memoria, indagando en sus interrelaciones conflictivas con la articulación de un discurso histórico, oficial y público sobre este acontecimiento. El miedo a la muerte, al hambre y a la destrucción, así como la huida o el ocultamiento, son los ejes principales de unos relatos sobre el riesgo asociados al hecho bélico; mientras que el miedo a la memoria se presenta, al mismo tiempo, como una estrategia de reconstrucción de lo comunitario en el escenario de la posguerra, secuela del miedo inherente a los sucesos vivenciados y en tanto que recurso para ocultar valoraciones del presente a la luz del pasado. El miedo es, por tanto, objeto y sujeto de la memoria asociada a este hecho histórico, y esa dualidad se encuentra en una interrelación permanente, que perdura en el tiempo, con todas las complejidades asociadas a esa circunstancia, sintetizada en la perdurabilidad, hasta el presente, de la memoria del miedo (pasado) y el miedo (de lo) instituido a la memoria (instituyente). ; By applying an ethnomethodological research perspective, and through the discourse analysis of individuals interviewed in rural communities of Southern Aragon, this article aims to analyse the main thematic dimensions of the narratives based on individual remembrances that configure the memory of fear surrounding the Spanish Civil War. At the same time, it examines the core expression of the fear of this memory by investigating the conflicting interrelationships between memory and the official and public historical discourse on this event. The main themes of the discourses on the risks associated with the war are death, hunger, and destruction, as well as the need to flee or hide from the enemy. The fear of memory is, at the same time, a post-war strategy for the reconstruction of the sense of community, a consequence of the war experience, and a resource for concealing opinions on current events based on past ones. Fear is thus both an object and subject of the memory of the Spanish Civil War; a duality that could be summarised in the complexities associated to the continuity, until the present, of the memory of (past) fear and the fear of (instituting) memory.
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In: Routledge Studies in Liberty and Security
This book is an examination of the effect of contemporary wars (such as the 'War on Terror') on civil life at a global level. Contemporary literature on war is mainly devoted to recent changes in the theory and practice of warfare, particular those in which terrorists or insurgents are involved (for example, the 'revolution in military affairs', 'small wars', and so on). On the other hand, today's research on security is focused, among other themes, on the effects of the war on terrorism, and on civil liberties and social control. This volume connects these two fields of research, showing how 'war' and 'security' tend to exchange targets and forms of action as well as personnel (for instance, the spreading use of private contractors in wars and of military experts in the 'struggle for security') in modern society. This shows how, contrary to Clausewitz's belief war should be conceived of as a "continuation of politics by other means", the opposite statement is also true: that politics, insofar as it concerns security, can be defined as the 'continuation of war by other means'. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, war and conflict studies, terrorism studies, sociology and IR in general. Salvatore Palidda is Professor of Sociology in the Faculty of Education at the University of Genoa. Alessandro Dal Lago is Professor of Sociology of Culture and Communication at the University of Genoa. Introduction Alessandro Dal Lago and Salvatore Palidda Part 1: The Constituent Role of Armed Conflicts 1. Fields Without Honour: Contemporary War as Global Enforcement Alessandro Dal Lago 2. The Barbarization of the Peace: The Neo-Conservative Transformation of War and Perspectives Alain Joxe 3. Norm/Exception: Exceptionalism and Governmental Prospects Roberto Ciccarelli 4. Reversing Clausewitz? War and politics in French Philosophy: Michel Foucault, Deleuze-Guattari and Raymond Aron Massimiliano Guareschi 5. Global War and Technoscience Luca Guzzetti Part 2: Securisation 6. September 14, 2001: The Regression to the Habitus Didier Bigo 7. Revolution in Police Affairs Salvatore Palidda 8. Surveillance: From Resistance to Support Eric Heilmann 9. Enemies, Not Criminals: The Law and Courts Against Global Terrorism Gabriella Petti Part 3: The Reshaping of Global Society 10. Media at War Marcello Maneri 11. Global Bureaucracy: Irresponsible But Not Indifferent Mariella Pandolfi and Laurence Mcfall 12. The Space of Camps: Towards a Genealogy of Places of Internment in the Present Federico Rahola
El presente fragmento introduce los argumentos de Roland Paris acerca de la construcción de las paz postbélica. Paris critica la metodología empleada durante los noventa por las misiones de construcción de la paz que trataron de implementar reformas democráticas y liberales demasiado rápido. Aunque Paris sostiene que la meta principal todavía debe ser convertir países destrozados por la guerra en sistemas democráticos de mercado, mantiene que la introducción de tales reformas sin suficientes instituciones gubernamentales puede provocar la recaída de estos países en el conflicto. Por lo tanto, propone una nueva estrategia de "institucionalización antes que de liberalización", que implica la construcción inicial de una base institucional para luego permitir la introducción de reformas democráticas y liberales que fomenten una paz duradera ; This fragment introduces Roland Paris's argument regarding post-conflict peace building. Paris criticises methods used during the nineties by peace building operations for trying to implement democratic reforms and liberalisation too quickly. Whilst Paris maintains that the principal objective still should be to convert war torn countries into market democracies he believes that the implementation of such reforms without sufficient government institutions can provoke the regression of these countries into conflict. Therefore, he proposes a new strategy "institutionalisation before liberalisation" that first builds a strong institutional base, which he argues may then allow the introduction of democratic and liberal reforms capable of creating a lasting peace
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This fragment introduces Roland Paris's argument regarding post-conflict peace building. Paris criticises methods used during the nineties by peace building operations for trying to implement democratic reforms and liberalisation too quickly. Whilst Paris maintains that the principal objective still should be to convert war torn countries into market democracies he believes that the implementation of such reforms without sufficient government institutions can provoke the regression of these countries into conflict. Therefore, he proposes a new strategy "institutionalisation before liberalisation" that first builds a strong institutional base, which he argues may then allow the introduction of democratic and liberal reforms capable of creating a lasting peace. ; El presente fragmento introduce los argumentos de Roland Paris acerca de la construcción de las paz postbélica. Paris critica la metodología empleada durante los noventa por las misiones de construcción de la paz que trataron de implementar reformas democráticas y liberales demasiado rápido. Aunque Paris sostiene que la meta principal todavía debe ser convertir países destrozados por la guerra en sistemas democráticos de mercado, mantiene que la introducción de tales reformas sin suficientes instituciones gubernamentales puede provocar la recaída de estos países en el conflicto. Por lo tanto, propone una nueva estrategia de "institucionalización antes que de liberalización", que implica la construcción inicial de una base institucional para luego permitir la introducción de reformas democráticas y liberales que fomenten una paz duradera.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/10605/48669
This service record is an account of military actions during the American Civil War by veteran Alex Conn dated from 1903. ; All descriptive lists and service records in this United Confederate (Civil War) Veterans manuscript collection believed to be based out of Robert E. Lee Camp #158 of the United Confederate Veterans (Fort Worth, Tex.). ; The Southwest Collection Manuscript Record can be accessed at the following URL: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00119/tsw-00119.html ; 1 leaf, 2 pdf pages. ; Regiment & Battles mentioned: Confederate States of America. Army. Alabama Infantry Regiment, 13th ; Bull Run, 1st Battle of, Va., 1861 ; South Mountain, Battle of, Md., 1862 ; Antietam, Battle of, Md., 1862.
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The First World War and the social policies supporting its victims played an essential role in the development of the Italian welfare state, its spectrum of benefits, and its organization. The relief programs for millions of soldiers and their families as well as disabled veterans and survivors led to a new dimension of state intervention in the field of social policy. The influence these programs have had on the successive reforms of the post-war period is clearly visible. An obvious example are the measures to increase the employment of disabled veterans, which were precursors of the 1919 compulsory insurance against unemployment and represented the first concrete state intervention in the labor market, meant to even out some of its flaws and help particularly disadvantaged groups of employees. Another wartime legislation that inspired post-war measures was the law supporting the Great War's widows and orphans. It paved the way for the first and most important social law of the Italian fascist regime of the 1920s: the Law on Protection of Mothers and Children. Additionally, the modernization of relief services during the war diminished the importance of traditional charitable and confessional assistance and resulted at the same time in a nationalization of social policy. This in turn brought about the bureaucratization and technocratization of welfare services throughout state departments and public agencies. The nexus between warfare and welfare, a relationship which can be identified in several belligerent countries after the Great War, was particularly evident in Italy. During the war, a pronounced process of "compensatory state building" gripped the country, with the consolidation of new social rights guaranteed by the state going hand in hand with the limitation of several political and civil rights. This paper will, based on these considerations, analyze the connections and continuities of Italy's social legislation during the war and post-war period. It will include modernization factors and limits and contradictory developments of the Italian welfare state between World War I, the Civil War, and the rise of fascism.
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In: Race, rhetoric, and media series
Describing the ways anticommunism impaired the struggle for civil rights, James Zeigler reconstructs how Red Scare rhetoric during the Cold War assisted the black freedom struggle's demands for equal rights but labelled as 'un-American' calls for reparations. To track the power of this volatile discourse, Zeigler investigates how radical black artists and intellectuals managed to answer anticommunism with critiques of Cold War culture
This article investigates the formation of the Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts (CLUM) in the early twentieth century. This organization evolved as a reaction to local and national events, including the Palmer Raids and the wider Red Scare following World War I, as well as the Anti-Anarchy Bill passed by the Massachusetts General Court in the wake of the Roxbury "red riot" and the Lawrence textile mill strike. Unlike similar groups in other states, the CLUM began as a unit of another progressive association, the League for Democratic Control, before emerging as an independent group. This research is drawn from the author's dissertation, which focused on civil liberties in Boston, 1915-45.
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In an era of promises to create smaller, more limited government, Americans often forget that the federal government has amassed an extraordinary record of successes over the past half century. Despite seemingly insurmountable odds, it helped rebuild Europe after World War II, conquered polio and other life-threatening diseases, faced down communism, attacked racial discrimination, reduced poverty among the elderly, and put men on the moon. In Government's Greatest Achievements, Paul C. Light explores the federal government's most successful accomplishments over the previous five decades and anticipates the most significant challenges of the next half century. While some successes have come through major legislation such as the 1965 Medicare Act, or large-scale efforts like the Apollo space program, most have been achieved through collections of smaller, often unheralded statutes. Drawing on survey responses from 230 historians and 220 political scientists at colleges and universities nationwide, Light ranks and summarizes the fifty greatest government achievements from 1944 to 1999. The achievements were ranked based on difficulty, importance, and degree of success. Through a series of twenty vignettes, he paints a vivid picture of the most intense government efforts to improve the quality of life both at home and abroad--from enhancing health care and workplace safety, to expanding home ownership, to improving education, to protecting endangered species, to strengthening the national defense. The book also examines how Americans perceive government's greatest achievements, and reveals what they consider to be its most significant failures. America is now calling on the government to resolve another complex, difficult problem: the defeat of terrorism. Light concludes by discussing this enormous task, as well as government's other greatest
In: http://hdl.handle.net/10605/346155
The Confederate Graves Survey Archive of the Texas Division, Sons of Confederate Veterans consists of surveys of cemeteries throughout Texas, and portions of Oklahoma and New Mexico. The surveys document the interment of Confederate States of America military veterans. United States of America (Union) veterans, as well as able-bodied men at the time of the Civil War, are also documented. 13 boxes entitled "Grave Surveys" contain grave surveys listed county-by-county, 3 boxes of "Unit Files" list surveyed individuals by their military unit. Finally, 17 boxes contain "Veteran Files" that document each veteran by name in "last name, first name, middle initial" format. An index that cross-references each of the collection series (Grave Surveys, Unit Files, and Veteran Files) is included, as are institutions to surveyors on how and what to document while conducting surveys. ; Lakeview Cemetery #258, Lakeview, Hall County, Texas | Veterans Interred: Messer, T.J. ; Eulogy Cemetery #109, Bell County, Texas | Veterans Interred: Roller, G.C. ; Highland Cemetery #154, Stanford, Haskell County, Texas | Veterans Interred: Butter, Alphonso Carlos. ; Waurika Cemetery #446, Waurika, Jefferson County, Oklahoma | Veterans Interred: Collins, Absalom G. ; McBride Cemetery #775, Hunt County, Texas | Veterans Interred: Lewis, D.H. ; Richland Springs Cemetery #945, San Saba County, Texas | Veterans Interred: Collins, Tipton B.
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