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The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, lasted from 1967 to 1970, and resulted in the deaths of over a million people. The secession of Biafra was a response to perceived marginalization against the Igbo people, and grievances regarding representation and power. Gavin Williams argues that despite almost sixty years since the end of the war, its legacy continues to shape Nigerian society and politics today. The post Revisiting the Nigerian Civil War appeared first on ROAPE.
This is the first scholarly volume to offer an insight into the less known stories of women, children, and international volunteers in the Spanish Civil War.
Special attention is given to volunteers of different historical experiences, especially Jews, and voices from less researched countries in the context of the Spanish war, such as Palestine and Turkey. Of an interdisciplinary nature, this volume brings together historians and literary scholars from different countries. Their research is based on newly found primary sources in both national and private archives, as well as on post-essentialist methodological insights for women's history, Jewish history, and studies on belonging. By bringing together a group of emerging and senior scholars from different countries, we highlight the polyphony of voices of diverse individuals drawn into the Spanish Civil War. Contributors to this volume have explored new or little researched primary sources found in archives and documentary centers, including papers held by relatives of the people we study.
The volume is aimed at both scholarly and non-scholarly public, including any readers interested in the Spanish Civil War, twentieth-century European history, Jewish studies, women's history, or anti-Fascism. The volume can be used in both undergraduate college courses and in postgraduate university seminars.
AbstractWithin the scholarship on the causes of civil wars, GDP per capita represents a strong and robust variable. Less attention, however, is paid to the role of economic decline. When it is included at all, scholars tend to consider it only in the period just prior to the onset of war. This paper argues that the impact of economic decline has been underestimated, for in addition to its short‐term effects, evidence from case studies reveals that a particular pattern is often evident during periods of sharp economic decline, in which ethnonationalist actors ascend in political power while scapegoating minority populations. The resulting increase in interethnic tensions raises the risk of large‐scale civil violence even many years after a major recession. The cases of Yugoslavia, Ivory Coast and India show the long‐term effects of a common exogenous shock‐ the global recession of the late 1970s‐ in the form of rising ethnonationalist political actors, setting the stage for large‐scale interethnic civil violence long after the initial economic shock.
AbstractDo experiences with civil war violence affect an individual's level of social trust? The literature on this topic suggests that being a victim of violence or being involved in violence has a profound effect on an individual's political behavior in the new host country. However, what has not been explored is how experiences with civil war and violence impact levels of social trust among immigrants. Building on prior research on premigratory experience and literature on experience with violence, we intend to determine if the premigratory experiences with violence in an immigrant's country of origin affect whether social trust is increased or decreased in an immigrant's country of residence. We investigate this question using the National Latino and Asian American Study. We find that immigrants who had experienced civil war as unarmed civilians and were persecuted due to their political beliefs were less likely to acculturate to the host country. Participation in combat also tended to reduce acculturation but did not affect social trust.
Salaria Kea, the only African American nurse to serve during the Spanish Civil War, fought against racism and fascism her entire life. Her contributions during the war in Spain, as well as her legacy, have become complicated matters, as the veracity of her testimony found in archival materials is routinely questioned and at times blatantly negated. Kea's experience as an African American woman positions her at the crossroads of racial and gender hierarchies that mark her identity in complex ways. Through the lens of various theories of intersectionality, this article will grapple with the precarious modes of historical discourse found in the archive, and vindicate Kea's testimony, recognising it as making a crucial contribution – from a unique perspective – to the understanding of a more nuanced historical picture.
"During the American Civil War, Confederates bought and sold thousands of men, women, and children. A robust and surviving slave trade, the extension of a traffic that had emerged to support the rise of the Cotton Kingdom, enabled them to do so. Even though the war destroyed the economy that had long underpinned American slavery, Confederates nevertheless traded people from Fort Sumter to Appomattox. Some took advantage of the enduring slave trade to shape their experiences of the war, using their ability to force people into motion to mobilize for the conflict or to weather the numerous crises it created on the homefront. Others speculated wildly, investing in the enslaved during the war to ward off inflation and to buy shares in the slaveholding future for which they fought. Still others traded people to ward off the progress of emancipation. For those held in slavery, meanwhile, the surviving slave trade dramatically shaped the ways in which they encountered freedom, preventing many from achieving it by yanking them back into bondage even as it inspired others to take the risk of escaping. The Civil War slave trade thus profoundly shaped the experience of the conflict for all residents of the American South. Regardless of the choices they made--to buy or to sell people, to risk sale or to flee from it--the effects of the slave trade reverberated throughout the conflict and produced legacies that endured long after the guns fell silent."
Conventional arms control imposes costs and benefits on states in civil wars: it restricts their own armament and that of rebel groups. I argue that the benefits outweigh the costs because states design conventional arms control measures that primarily curb rebels' armament. I investigate these arguments through regression analyses of United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) voting records and a content analysis of UNGA speeches. While I find a positive relationship between civil wars and support for conventional arms control in the aggregate, I also show that states in civil wars consider both the benefits and the costs of arms control.
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"Shae Smith Cox's The Fabric of Civil War Society examines the material culture of military uniforms, badges, and flags during and after America's bloodiest conflict. She suggests that these objects both represented and influenced the identity of Americans. She also reveals how the study of material culture allows for a better understanding of the war and its commemoration, especially regarding women's roles, the lives of African Americans and indigenous peoples, and the struggles of the common soldier. Cox's study traces the influences of uniforms, badges, and flags throughout the war and Reconstruction as markers of power and authority for both sides. She then shows how sewn materials from the conflict became cherished objects by the turn of the century, a transition seen in veterans replacing their wartime uniforms with new commemorative attire and repatriating Confederate battle flags. Looking specifically at the creation of material culture by various commemoration groups, including the Grand Army of the Republic, the Woman's Relief Corps, the United Confederate Veterans, and the United Daughters of the Confederacy, Cox suggests the ways that American society largely accepted their messages, furthering the mission of their memory work. The objects themselves suggest how starkly divided Americans were and how starkly divided they remained. Studying material culture in the form of uniforms, badges, and flags allows Cox to reinterpret a variety of Civil War topics, including preparation for war, nuances in relationships between Native American and African American soldiers, the roles of women, and the rise of post-war memorial societies. Her work will interest scholars who study the Civil War and its memory"--