Suchergebnisse

Although trauma and public skepticism toward the military is still quite strong; though the sins of the military during the New Order freely beragai stripped naked in public space during the reform. In fact, military figures rose even more flying in many national level either party until the local level, both old and new parties. To face the new system of political contestation and the military is benefiting from a weakening factor of the consolidation of civilian political forces. Political parties and civic leaders increasingly anti Orba number berjibun be a dilemma. Elections are approaching need fresh energy to be the winner while they are still haunted by the various limitations of the cadre of crisis, financial crisis and the crisis of political networks. To rise, the former general has a genetic modalities required political parties and civic leaders that organizational discipline, a network of territorial and political violence. Political modalities of military culture is that interest civilian politicians because it can be replicated in consolidating the power of the party, although very risky memangun consolidation of democracy in Indonesia in the future. The choices here are to be assessed for reading the direction of the democratization of Indonesia.

This study aims to investigate the position of the DGT's Civil Servant Investigator in relation to their duty to enforce taxation criminal. The law enforcement of taxation criminal in Indonesia is involving several institution like Civil Servant Investigator (Directorate General of Taxes Institution), Police Investigator (Indonesian Police Institution), and Attorney Investigator (Attorney Institution). This involving, which lately leads to the position and authority problem of each institution. This study will be focused on the position of civil servant investigator of Directorate General of Tax and its relation with other party like Supervisory Coordinator which occupied by police investigator, and also other investigator from another institution. The method which is used in this study is normative juridical approach with analytical descriptive specification. Based on that method, then the researcher will compare between the position of DGT's Civil Servant Investigator 'in legislation' and 'in its practice' through library study and field research. The researcher carry out this research based on the researcher's consideration about the importance of state income from the taxation sector, so that the unlawful act that detrimental from the taxpayer and any related party of it can be eradicated immediately. The results shows that the position of the DGT Civil Servant Investigator in the framework of eradicating taxation criminal was emphasized as the primary investigator. This position is based on Law No. 16 of 2009 as lex specialis derogat legi generalis against Law No. 8 of 1981. Based on this position, there some friction that occurs between the DGT Civil Servant Investigator and other officer from another institution. For example, the DGT Civil Servant Investigator of the West Sumatra-Jambi Regional Office, which was designated as a suspect by the Police investigator, and the Mobile 8 tax restitution was handled by the Attorney Investigator. One of the factors that causing the friction is the difference in ...

Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.

Problem of Food emerged as a Non-Traditional Secuirty (NTS) issue in the aftermath of the Cold War and was identified as one of the seven pillars of human security by the 1994 UNDP Report 'New Dimensions' in Security. Food security as 'the means for all people at all times to have both physical and economic access to basic food' and that food security is an entitlement. When the shortages food supply in a country, it will be an increasing the conflict civil society, so the stability of the state security being disrupted. The availability of adequate food supplies could become the core of social contact in all the country's political system.The food crisis in Venezuela resulted in civil conflict be increased. Venezuela is the world's oil producing countries but due to falling world oil prices, then became distracted State reception system. The political system came along with the economic crisis makes Venezuela in the worst condition.This economic crisis makes Venezuela experienced a food crisis, so many societies suffered famine and looting food even do violence to gain access the food. Finally, the conflict civil society occur due to the food crisis and the stability of the State security becomes disrupted. In this paper using descriptive analysis method that describes the relationship of food security in Venezuela that can be disrupt the stability of State security. In this paper, using the perspective of Food Securitization.This isbased on a change in the subject of security not only on military issues but the extension of the concept security including the threat of food security within a country. Food can be utilized as a political weapon by states and can be characterized as a form and symbol of political power.

Religious and cultural pluralism in society can initially Posoacculturation establish the values among migrants with indigenous peoples,on further developments, have taken place between the social disintegrationAmong of them, as a result of the escalation of conflicts horizontal, for a variety of interestsgrowing, especially the expansion of economic and political institutions apparatussecurity. (Military and police) and religious and cultural pluralism imagedas a zone of still volatile, so that the imaging strengthen. The existence of a conflict region as a market force.A balanced division of strategic positions in government withrepresenting Christian and Muslim communities should be governed by clearlocal regulation and other rules or mechanisms in mind The conflict became a powerful issue. The security forces should be acting professionally make Indonesia secure and peaceful, the circulation of the various means of violence, such as firearms and bombs in Indonesia also business security forces in the conflict zone is security indicators are not handled in a professional manner. On the other hand required maximum effort and courage attitude of the government, especially the law enforcement agencies to bring those involved in cases of corruption and military violence should be given a participation in the strengthening of base- civil basis, such as combating corruption and strengthening peace program division of tasks and functions of a clear distinction between the security forces and society civilians can help realize a peaceful ofIndonesia

The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana Netralitas Aparatur Sipil Negara dalam Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 Di Provinsi Banten serta untuk mengetahui apa saja yang menjadi faktor pendukung dan faktor penghambatnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik Purposive Sampling kemudian teknik pengumpulan data dengan cara wawancara dan dokumentasi. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa netralitas Aparatur Sipil Negara dalam Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 Di Provinsi Banten belum berjalan dengan baik, karena masih adanya Aparatur Sipil Negara di Pemerintah Provinsi Banten yang tidak netral dengan mendukung salah satu calon Dewan Perwakilan Daerah dan salah satu calon Presiden/Wakil Presiden. Faktor penghambat netralitas Aparatur Sipil Negara dalam Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 Di Provinsi Banten disebabkan oleh pola pikir Aparatur Sipil Negara yang belum terbentuk, adanya hubungan kekerabatan dan sanksi yang masih lemah. Oleh karena itu, Pemerintah Provinsi Banten perlu untuk meningkatkan pengawasan, pembinaan dan memberikan sanksi yang tegas terhadap Aparatur Sipil Negara yang tidak netral dalam Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019. ; This study aims to determine how the Neutrality Of The State Civil Apparatus In The 2019 General Election In Banten Province and to find out what are the supporting factors and inhibiting factors. The research method used in the research is a qualitative descriptive method using purposive sampling technique then the data collection technique is by interview and documentation. The result of this study indicate that the Neutrality Of The State Civil Apparatus In The 2019 General Election In Banten Province has not gone well, because there are still Civil Apparatus Of The Banten Provincial goverment that are not neutral by supporting one of the candidates for the Regional Representative Council and one of the candidates for Presiden/Vice President. The inhibiting factor of the neutrality of the State Civil Apparatus in the 2019 general election in Banten Province is caused by the mindset that has not yet been formed, the existence of kindship relations and sanctions that are still weak. Therefore, the Banten Provincial government needs to incrase supervision, guidance, and provide strict sanctions for state Civil Apparatus that are not Neutral In The 2019 General Election.

This research is focused on Indonesia-US diplomatic relations in politics and defense. The relationships are very volatile both in terms of closeness and depth of defense cooperation between the two countries. Bilateral defense cooperation is aimed at improving military relations between the two countries and building professionalism of the TNI - in addition to achieving the Indonesian defense goals such as maintaining the sovereignty and integrity of the country. Indonesia has interest in maintaining defense cooperation with the US due to the fact that the majority of Indonesia's major defense equipment is from the US and other western countries. By taking the perspective of the Susilo B. Yudhoyono administration (2004-2014), defense diplomacy is closely related to the Minimum Essential Force (MEF) program. The MEF program has initiated the Indonesian government to cooperate with the US in the context of maintenance and procurement of weapons that have been embargoed since 1999. This research also finds that among various defense cooperation activities between Indonesia and the US, the major one is actually in the field of education and training, e.g., short courses, staff and command education, seminars, post graduate programs and others. Meanwhile, the other defense cooperation activity, namely defense industry, is still very minor until today. The method of research is qualitative using descriptive analytical collected from the interview of practitioners and from secondary sources such book, paper, and open sources

Interaction in the international system creates cooperation between countries and can also create conflicts when interests between countries clash. There are two approaches used in resolving conflict; associative where countries seek to cooperate with each other; and disassociative involving military force and political separation (Barash & Webel, 2009: 288). One of Indonesia's associative efforts in maintaining its diplomatic relations with Australia is by using ASEAN to form the AANZFTA (ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area). Apart from geographical proximity, the socio-economic development opportunities for all parties, this cooperation is also a geopolitical strategy for Australian security and provides political legitimacy for ASEAN in the international world. Using a case study method that focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand, mainly through the AANZFTA, this paper will explain ASEAN, Australia, and New Zealand's reasons and interests as well as strengths and weaknesses in them. Through discussion and analysis results, it can be concluded that international cooperation was formed to build negative peace after the World War. Then over time, non-traditional issues increasingly encourage international cooperation to develop positive peace with moral values and peaceful dispute resolution without violence. Although the impact is the domination of big countries and sacrificing small and developing countries' sovereignty, each country will always prioritize its own interests. This study's results can provide an overview of the diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Australia multilaterally through AANZFTA. At the same time, the bilateral relationship between the two can be reviewed in further research

The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.