Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.
Civil-military relations as a phenomenon invited a greater attention of academic community only after World War II, as the first attempts to define the best way of civil-military cooperation emerged. The collapse of the socialistic block resulted in the decrease in importance of military roles. The changing global security environment influenced some recognizable changes in modern societies (including Lithuanian) of the democratic world as well. Traditional normative civil-military relations theories could not properly describe the changing manner in communication between society and the armed forces, since the ongoing processes go beyond the framework of the classical understanding about civil-military relations: democratic civilian control and the autonomous military,,professionalism" thus, the attempt was made to look for new ways and methods to identify the prevailing change tendencies in societies and the armed forces. Lithuanian civil society and the armed forces are not an exception in this respect, thus, the main issue of this research was to discuss the blurring boundaries between Lithuanian civil society and the armed forces. This research paper attempts to prove that Lithuanian armed forces are going through the convergence processes, such as professionalization and civilinization. The process of coalescence of social values into the military sphere results in the decreased autonomy of the armed forces as well as change in traditional civil-military relations. The comparative analysis and a case study of typical civil-military relations provided by C. Moskos and J. Williams was a great background for further analysis of the tendencies of changing civil-military relations. This MA thesis provides the discussion on civil-military relations in respect of the changes in Lithuanian military organization and their probable impact on civil society. What is more, this research aimed at identifying and analyzing the ongoing processes in Lithuanian armed forces in comparison with other NATO member states, discussing the development prospects as well as their relationship with civil society. The research is based on the adopted euristic model which helps to analyze civil-military relations in consideration of functional and socio-political aspects. The main objective of the research is to examine the prevailing tendencies and fundamental prospects in the changing civil-military relations in Lithuania in the context of defense reform and transformation of the armed forces (after 2001). The first chapter describes the theoretical presumptions of the research, also presents the fundamental theoretical background for the analysis of civil-military relations as well as attempts to explain the problems arising because of the change in these relations. Moreover, the chapter provides the analysis of the evolution of military organizations in accordance with significant changes to the international security environment. The second chapter presents the ideal type model for the analysis of the changing armed forces and their relations with civil society in consideration of functional and socio-political aspects. The third part reports on the qualitative inductive research. Referring to the variables defined in the research model, this chapter continues with the analysis of the ongoing processes in Lithuanian armed forces in the context of defense reform and transformation of the armed forces; moreover, the chapter identifies the problematic issues in civil-military relations and analyzes the prospects of cooperation. The Lithuanian case showed some common international tendencies to change in civil-military relations. Society and armed forces have been changed since 1990, because of external factors and participation in international organizations. The convergence process is countinuig and it reveals completely new era in civil - military relations
Civil-military relations as a phenomenon invited a greater attention of academic community only after World War II, as the first attempts to define the best way of civil-military cooperation emerged. The collapse of the socialistic block resulted in the decrease in importance of military roles. The changing global security environment influenced some recognizable changes in modern societies (including Lithuanian) of the democratic world as well. Traditional normative civil-military relations theories could not properly describe the changing manner in communication between society and the armed forces, since the ongoing processes go beyond the framework of the classical understanding about civil-military relations: democratic civilian control and the autonomous military,,professionalism" thus, the attempt was made to look for new ways and methods to identify the prevailing change tendencies in societies and the armed forces. Lithuanian civil society and the armed forces are not an exception in this respect, thus, the main issue of this research was to discuss the blurring boundaries between Lithuanian civil society and the armed forces. This research paper attempts to prove that Lithuanian armed forces are going through the convergence processes, such as professionalization and civilinization. The process of coalescence of social values into the military sphere results in the decreased autonomy of the armed forces as well as change in traditional civil-military relations. The comparative analysis and a case study of typical civil-military relations provided by C. Moskos and J. Williams was a great background for further analysis of the tendencies of changing civil-military relations. This MA thesis provides the discussion on civil-military relations in respect of the changes in Lithuanian military organization and their probable impact on civil society. What is more, this research aimed at identifying and analyzing the ongoing processes in Lithuanian armed forces in comparison with other NATO member states, discussing the development prospects as well as their relationship with civil society. The research is based on the adopted euristic model which helps to analyze civil-military relations in consideration of functional and socio-political aspects. The main objective of the research is to examine the prevailing tendencies and fundamental prospects in the changing civil-military relations in Lithuania in the context of defense reform and transformation of the armed forces (after 2001). The first chapter describes the theoretical presumptions of the research, also presents the fundamental theoretical background for the analysis of civil-military relations as well as attempts to explain the problems arising because of the change in these relations. Moreover, the chapter provides the analysis of the evolution of military organizations in accordance with significant changes to the international security environment. The second chapter presents the ideal type model for the analysis of the changing armed forces and their relations with civil society in consideration of functional and socio-political aspects. The third part reports on the qualitative inductive research. Referring to the variables defined in the research model, this chapter continues with the analysis of the ongoing processes in Lithuanian armed forces in the context of defense reform and transformation of the armed forces; moreover, the chapter identifies the problematic issues in civil-military relations and analyzes the prospects of cooperation. The Lithuanian case showed some common international tendencies to change in civil-military relations. Society and armed forces have been changed since 1990, because of external factors and participation in international organizations. The convergence process is countinuig and it reveals completely new era in civil - military relations
Evolving threats to national security have resulted in the adoption of comprehensive (total) defence concepts by a number of small and medium states. Civil resistance constitutes a considerable part of such concepts, complementing military defence. The historical experience of Lithuania proved the value of nonviolent resistance between 1988 and 1991 for regaining independence, and defending it in January 1991. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of non-violent civil resistance in the national defence system, based on the experience of 13 January 1991 in Lithuania and develop further discussion about the concept of civil resistance. The methodological approach of the article is based on historical and theoretical analysis. This allows the experience of Lithuania to be assessed on the basis of Lithuanian National Security and Defence Strategy and scientific research. Lithuanian non-violent civil resistance in 1988–1991 was successful in terms of strategy, leadership, organisation, planning, non-violence priorities and the number of citizens involved. The leaders of the movement were able to mobilise people into a widespread movement based on their moral authority and value orientations, strongly appealing to different groups in society. Lithuania's independence was achieved with minimal human sacrifice, preserving the country's resources and infrastructure. This experience of non-violent civil resistance came to be used by modern state institutions to create strategic documents of the state. In the current situation, it is necessary to focus not only on the knowledge required for state defence and civil resistance, but also on its moral aspects such as values, ethical behaviour, civic and human maturity.
Evolving threats to national security have resulted in the adoption of comprehensive (total) defence concepts by a number of small and medium states. Civil resistance constitutes a considerable part of such concepts, complementing military defence. The historical experience of Lithuania proved the value of nonviolent resistance between 1988 and 1991 for regaining independence, and defending it in January 1991. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of non-violent civil resistance in the national defence system, based on the experience of 13 January 1991 in Lithuania and develop further discussion about the concept of civil resistance. The methodological approach of the article is based on historical and theoretical analysis. This allows the experience of Lithuania to be assessed on the basis of Lithuanian National Security and Defence Strategy and scientific research. Lithuanian non-violent civil resistance in 1988–1991 was successful in terms of strategy, leadership, organisation, planning, non-violence priorities and the number of citizens involved. The leaders of the movement were able to mobilise people into a widespread movement based on their moral authority and value orientations, strongly appealing to different groups in society. Lithuania's independence was achieved with minimal human sacrifice, preserving the country's resources and infrastructure. This experience of non-violent civil resistance came to be used by modern state institutions to create strategic documents of the state. In the current situation, it is necessary to focus not only on the knowledge required for state defence and civil resistance, but also on its moral aspects such as values, ethical behaviour, civic and human maturity.
The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.
The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.
The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.
The importance of military's cultural and religious awareness on the international operations was increasingly recognized after the Cold war. Though, a need of military cultural awareness is usually assessed at the national state – not the NATO – level. The absence of military cultural awareness standardization during the international operations within NATO allows member states to interpret cultural awareness individually. The freedom of cultural interpretation is not an undesirable thing per se but the lack of coordinated military leadership, especially when soldiers are working in the international composition. It may lead to further deficiencies and promote such problems as "green-on-blue" attacks in Afghanistan, which can be associated with cultural differences arising from solders direct interaction with other culture.
Cryptocurrencies and distributed ledger technology became a revolutionary and insightful phenomenon that provide benefits of decentralized payment system, quasi-or complete anonymity, and lower transaction fees for cryptocurrency users. Despite all the advantages, the crypto domain also imposes challenges on the market participants. The long-lasting status quo of governments and their refusal to quickly clarify the rights and obligations of cryptocurrency service providers and offerors of crypto-related contracts has given rise to uncertainty on civil liability issues in the crypto sphere. Thus, many private actors –companies and users –are suffering from financial losses. The thesis intends to outline the main pitfalls in contractual cryptocurrency relations and provide clarification of possible liability issues that may occur. The research refers to findings in the relevant case law as well as gives an overview of legal provisions found in national legislation, regional and international frameworks that might help to eliminate the uncertainty of contractual liability. The question of the tortious liability has been raised in the thesis. In particular, cryptocurrency platforms and programmers 'duty of care, as well as its breach, may lead to civil claims regarding the tort of negligence. The possible breach of statutory by crypto companies and developers has been also explored in the work. The purpose of all information provided by the thesis is to safeguard private actors' interests, prevent damages in the future, and propose solutions that will alleviate existing risks in the cryptocurrency domain.