Parties, Clientelism, and Violence
In: Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence In Latin America, S. 34-54
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In: Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence In Latin America, S. 34-54
In: Theory and society: renewal and critique in social theory, Band 30, Heft 5, S. 593-628
ISSN: 0304-2421
In: Verfassung und Recht in Übersee: VRÜ = World comparative law : WCL, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 113-116
ISSN: 0506-7286
In: Handbook of Party Politics, S. 406-412
In: Corruption as a Last Resort, S. 35-56
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 29, Heft 5, S. 7-19
ISSN: 1552-678X
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 55, Heft 13, S. 2178-2216
ISSN: 1552-3829
World Affairs Online
SSRN
Working paper
In: Journal of democracy, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 139-151
ISSN: 1045-5736
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of democracy, Band 27, Heft 1, S. 139
ISSN: 1045-5736
Why are the poor susceptible to clientelism, and what factors shield them from the influence of vote buying? We explore the role of both formal and informal social networks in shaping the likelihood of being targeted with private inducements. We argue that when the poor lack access to formal social networks, they become increasingly reliant on vote buying channelled through informal networks. To test our theory, we build the informal, family-based network linkages between voters and local politicians spanning a city in the Philippines. We then collect survey data on formal network connections, electoral handouts, and voting behaviour of 900 voters randomly drawn from these family networks. We show first that campaigns disproportionately target poorer voters. We then show that familial ties further influence targeting among poor voters. Finally, we show that access to formal networks such as workers' associations mitigate voter fears of punishment for failing to reciprocate.
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In: Latin American perspectives, Band 29, Heft 5, S. 7-19
ISSN: 1552-678X
In: Journal of Inter-American studies and world affairs, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 116-117
ISSN: 0022-1937
The book is about distributive politics. The received theories usually predict that parties and governmentswill spend scarce resources on responsive voters. And these responsive voters will be fence-sitters, people who might otherwise not turn out or vote for the party responsible for the distribution but who could be swayed by a favor or a program. Yet over and over again, the evidence seemed to tell us that not fence-sitters but firm party loyalists were the primary beneficiaries of the distributive game. Because we believed in the received theories, we discarded them only reluctantly. Like good Kuhnians, a few anomalies did not shift our paradigm. But eventually the weight of the anomalies was too much. Constructing an alternative theory was only one of the tasks we faced. Our new theory suggested new questions and new observational implications. Many parties can be decomposed into leaders and low-level operatives or brokers. If brokers play the distributive game by different rules than do their leaders, allocations of resources should come out differently when brokers are in control and when leaders are in control. (They do.) If brokers are imperfect agents of party leaders, antimachine reform movements, when they break out, may be driven as much by party leaders as by non-partisan reformers. (In several countries, they have been.) And if brokers are imperfect agents, it should be the case that they impose agency losses on parties and parties should devise elaborate techniques to monitor the brokers and minimize these losses. (We offer evidence that both are true.) ; Fil: Nazareno, Marcelo. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Escuela de Historia; Argentina. ; Fil: Nazareno, Marcelo. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. ; Fil: Brusco, Valeria. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. ; Ciencia Política
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Chapter 1: Political parties, state resources and electoral clientelism -- Chapter 2: Clientelism and distributive politics in Australia: comparing partisan pork barrel with contingency-based vote-buying -- Chapter 3: Administrative clientelism and policy reform failure: the Western Canada Integrated Land Management experience 1990–2015 -- Chapter 4: Authoritarian clientelism: the case of the president's 'creatures' in Cameroon -- Chapter 5: Coordinating the machine: subnational political context and the effectiveness of machine politics -- Chapter 6: Political parties and clientelism in transition countries: evidence from Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine -- Chapter 7: Does clientelism hinder progressive social policy in Latin America? -- Chapter 8: Conclusion.