Suchergebnisse

近幾年,中國人民每天都要面對多種環境問題,環境保護促成新的社會運動及實政方式 。數十年來,中國政府一直以強調經濟發展為先,因此,如何能將環境管理與中國社會的其他部分相協調仍沒有一個清晰的答案。本文將以中國西部城市成都為例,分析環保意識在不同社會族群中的興起。 ; 本文通過三個要素來檢驗環境意識:意識形態、感知和行動。自千禧年始,中國政府開始宣傳"生態文明"的觀念,它是中國共產黨給出的有關如何進行可持續發展的意識形態方面的答案。"生態文明"作為一個單一維度結構,特別強調要在不影響經濟增長的前提下加強對環境的保護。這個概念通過地方政府、非政府組織的項目、學術研究及媒體報道等多種方式滲透中國社會。通過利用民族志的研究手法來探討成都市民日常要面對的交通問題、消費主義、食品安全及城市化等議題,本論文著重研究"生態文明"作為一個單維觀念,是如何與普通市民讓成都變得"更灰"或"更綠"的方式相協調的。市民讓成都變得"更灰"是因為相關行為可幫助他們維持或積累更多社會資本。而讓成都變得"更綠"則是一種草根的環保意識形態,通常被描述為"很環保"。"很環保"是個自相矛盾的講法,一方面它帶有"過時"的意味,而另一方面它又帶有"上流"的感覺。 ; 本研究針對245 戶人進行了社會調查,結果顯示相較底層社會的市民而言,上層社會的市民普遍認為環境的好壞對他們生活的影響更大。類似於垃圾分類、節約用水、減少空氣污染等環保行為不同程度的與受訪市民的社會階層、年齡及居住地點有關。一方面,調查顯示市民們對於"生態文明"的理解五花八門,伸展至多個維度,另一方面,通過檢驗環境意識形態、對環境的感知和環保行動三者的交集後,我們發現,在環保問題上,中國民眾可被分為三大不同族群 。這包括,發展組,他們因國家宣傳的單維"生態文明"政策而受益;環境組,他們最受"很環保"這個意識形態的影響;以及"不知所從"組,他們因環保行動又"過時"又"上流"的雙面性而感到不知所從 。大部分身處權利中心的人都屬於發展組,理論上講,由發展組人士組成的國家可借引入"生態文明"這個單維結構而變得更穩固,因為"生態文明"的結構單維性讓"不知所從"組的人更樂意接受一個集權政府,並寄希望於後者可以替他們解決環境問題。但是,由於國家無法從多個維度介入民眾對於"生態文明"的地方詮釋,更多的市民因此將會趨於加入環境組人士,持與他們類似的對抗態度,而這將會讓國家陷入難以走出的困局。 ; In recent years, as the Chinese people have had to face environmental issues in their everyday lives, environmental protection has come to stimulate new social movements and forms of governance in China. After decades of state emphasis on economic growth, it has yet to be made clear how this new concern for environmental governance resonates with different segments of Chinese society. Thus, this thesis analyzes the rise of environmental consciousness among different social groups in the Western Chinese city of Chengdu. ; Environmental consciousness is examined according to three components: ideology, perception and action. At the turn of the millennium, the Chinese state started to promote Ecological Civilization (生態文明), the CCP's ideological answer to Sustainable Development. With a singular emphasis on enforcing environmental protection as long as it does not interfere with economic development, this unidimensional structure of Ecological Civilization has been introduced to Chinese society through local government ...

本文论述陈冠中的长篇小说《盛世:中国,2013》揭示了一种出现于晚期社会主义中国的焦灼感。这种普遍却又隐秘的集体心态体现了当代中国人在两种信念之间的摇摆状态:毛时代遗留下的中国社会主义传统,以及"改革开放"后萌生的个人主义信条。陈冠中分别以"好地狱"与"伪天堂"的意象来概括两种社会形态下的内部矛盾。一方面,"好地狱"中所拥有的中国革命精神既成就了中国"反帝反封建"无产阶级革命的胜利,同时又不可避免地导向了"文化大革命"的发生。另一方面,生活在"伪天堂"中的人们虽然尝到了物质生活所带来的甜头,却也不得不思量为其付出的文化、政治代价。尽管许多人将陈冠中提出的"伪天堂"概念解读为中国现实的缩影,本文却不鼓励中西读者止步于此。在"好地狱"与"伪天堂"中进行非此即彼的抉择无疑固化了这种二元对立的思维范式,而无从冲破现实的窘境。本文希望通过对小说系统而细致的阅读向读者展示《盛世》突显了当代中国人在面对"好地狱"与"伪天堂"时焦虑、矛盾、无所适从的心态。而想要走出这种心态,必须先摆脱"好地狱"与"伪天堂"所设下的思维禁锢。 ; This thesis argues Chan Koon-Chung's The Fat Years (2009) reflects a collective anxiety in late socialist China. The anxiety concerns the tension that is immanent to a receding belief in the emancipatory potential of Maoist Communism and a growing recognition of the failure of the liberatory potential of a turn to individualism. For Chan, this anxiety is written in terms of a "Good Hell" and a "False Paradise." The Good Hell refers to the egalitarian revolutionary spirit, which nonetheless powered the terror of the Cultural Revolution; while the False Paradise refers to the miscarried promises of the turn to capitalism. What Chan presents the reader with, then, is not a simple choice between a Good Hell and a False Paradise, but a confusing or "sticky" world in which China's middle class hesitate to devote themselves to either paradigm. Of course, such indecision does not benefit the State, and so Chan shows how the Central Government ultimately attempts to position the middle class. It does so by monumentalizing the past, which is to say creating an abrupt rupture between "now" and "then," and therein disconnecting history from the present. In this way, the world of confusion turns into an unbearable one where individual will is only permitted if one first surrenders to Government ideology. Chan's wager is that China's middle class should once again embrace the sense of confusion that comes from the complicated psychological state of the unreconciled ideas embedded in the "Good Hell and False Paradise" complex. Only in this way can one begin to examine ...

Summary in Chinese. ; Thesis (MBA)--Chinese University of Hong Kong. ; Bibliography: l. 138.

by Lee Kin Ming. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 214-225). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i ; ABBREVIATIONS --- p.ii ; ABSTRACT --- p.vii ; ABSTRACT IN CHINESE --- p.ix ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.xi ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.xv ; CONTENTS --- p.xvi ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Cordyceps --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- Pharmacological Functions of Cordyceps --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.1.1.1 --- Anti-tumor Activities --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.1.1.2 --- Immunomodulatory Activities --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.1.1.3 --- Hepatic Functions --- p.9 ; Chapter 1.1.1.4 --- Cardiovascular Functions --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.1.1.5 --- Renal Functions --- p.10 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Biological Activities of Cordycepin --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Inhibition of RNA Synthesis --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Disruption of Microtubule Network --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Inhibition of Nucleic Acid Methylation --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.4 --- Enhancement of Cell Differentiation --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.5 --- Anti-tumor Activity --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.6 --- Anti-fungal Activity --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Hepatocellular Carcinoma --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- Incidence and Risk Factor of Hepatocellular Carcinoma --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Treatment of Hepatocellular Carcinoma --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.3.2.1 --- Hepatic Resection --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.3.2.2 --- Liver Transplantation --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.2.3 --- Non-surgical Therapeutic Modalities for Hepatocellular Carcinoma --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- Human Hepatocellular Carcinoma Cell Lines --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.3.3.1 --- Human Hepatocellular Carcinoma Cell Line HepG2 --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.3.3.2 --- Multidrug Resistant Human Hepatocellular Carcinoma Cell Line R-HepG2 --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Multidrug Resistance of Tumor Cells --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- Multidrug Resistance Mediated by P-Glycoprotein --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.4.1.1 --- Location and Structure of P-Glycoprotein --- p.22 ; Chapter ...

The enactment of the FCPA and the formation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention created two historical events for theoretical analysis: because the FCPA unprecedentedly criminalized transnational bribery in 1977, its wisdom was initially questioned. Then, since the Convention endorsed the FCPA approach in 1997, academic focus was shifted to the practical effect of the Convention in controlling transnational bribery-—which is also the topic of this study. ; This study develops argument based on an awareness of the limitation of a popular methodology in current literature-—the problem-solving paradigm. This paradigm is grounded in the rational-choice tradition, assumes signatories' enforcement of the Convention as resulting from their self-serving purposes, labels the current level of Convention enforcement as "ineffective-enforcement", and borrows solutions from conventional collective action theories to prescribe. This paradigm well explains why most signatories have brought few enforcement actions. Yet its excessive commitment to orthodoxies prevents scholars from grasping the uniqueness of the collaboration and prescribing successful solutions. Besides, it avoids explaining why some signatories have indeed enforced the Convention. A historical approach that draws causality from a process's historicity is thus proposed as a supplementary methodology. ; This study analyzes signatories' compliance with the Convention by four steps: First, it explains a seemingly outdated but unexplained question—the dynamic of the institutionalization of the OECD anti-bribery collaboration, and finds that the central institutions did not result from signatories' trading off conflicting values and interests, but from their attempts to coordinate demands of different stakeholders within given institutional contexts. ; Second, this study explains why most signatories tend to defect rather than faithfully enforce the Convention, following the logic of the problem-solving paradigm: destabilizing factors in the indigenous collaboration ...

本論文以政治學及心理學的理論為基礎,探討社會人士的集體行動及政治參與行為及其背後的心理因素,以及網上新聞的普及對這些行為、意向是否具催化作用。根據政治學及社會心理學文獻,團體在社會得到的社會認定「social identity」)及個人對自身的政治功效意識 (「political efficacy」)往往是影響人們集體行動及政治參與(稱「團體參與行動」「intergroup participatory actions」)程度的決定因素。不過,個人/團體對集體行動的參與意向跟媒體使用及社會人士的實際參與之間的關係在文獻中似乎從未提到。然而,這方面的研究在現今數碼時代十分重要。 ; 關於網上新聞的影響,主要的文獻論述有二:工具性論述指出網上資訊澎湃、隨手可得,且成本極低,網上新聞的使用對社會人士參與政治有直接影響(本論文將驗證此觀點,是為假設一);心理學論述指出網上新聞對人們的影響視乎個人既有的心理素質。本文主張個人參與集體行動及參與政治的意向在於人們是否能從這些行動中得到高度的「社會認定」及「政治功效意識」;而這兩方面又可隨著個人接觸的網上資訊增加而得以提昇,因為人們傾向選擇接收那些肯定他們既有看法及態度的資訊(即「選擇性暴露理論」),以及那些提昇他們對某社群歸屬感的資訊(即「使用與滿足理論」)。本文提出下列觀點,並加以驗證:網上新聞的普及提昇「個人功效意識」(假設二)、提昇「集體功效意識」(假設三)、提昇參與團體行動人士得到的「社會認定」(假設四),而個人/團體從社會認定中得到的滿足對他們實際參與團體行動有驅動作用(假設五)。 ; 本文對在美國及香港具代表性的民意調查作出分析,分析結果跟上列的假設吻合。然後進行了一項實驗,其結果指出「個人功效意識」或可作為「政治功效意識」內一有效的獨立準則。本人在美國及香港進行民意調查(各地兩項;所涉及的調查相隔一年),並作迴歸分析,以驗證上述有關社會人士參與集體行動及政治意向的假設,研究重點包括人們的投票意向、示威意向、議題參與意向及公民參與意向。研究結果支持假設一(即工具性論述)及假設三(即有關「集體功效意識」的心理學論述)的有效性。假設二(有關「個人功效意識」)及假設四(有關「社會認定」)可作進一步驗證。研究中所有具統計學顯著意義的結果卻否定了假設五(有關「社會認定」對個人/團體帶來的滿足程度)的有效信度。 ; 最後,研究局限、結果應用等亦會在文中細述。 ; Applying an interdisciplinary and integrative theoretical perspective and framework, this thesis is concerned with the role of Internet news on collective action and political participation, and the important moderating role of certain psychological antecedents on the relationship. The literature shows that identification with a group (social identity) and the feeling that one could make a substantive difference (political efficacy) are two important predictors of such actions (termed "intergroup participatory actions in this thesis). However, the processes that link the antecedents of participatory behaviors to media use and then to actual participation have been neglected. Such an examination is important in the digital age where the Internet provides citizens a media environment where access to information about politics and social causes is easy, cheap and abundant. ; Two views of the impact of Internet are prevalent in the literature. The "instrumental" view argues that Internet use has a direct effect on ...

現有的媒體-抗爭互動機制研究,其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體-抗爭互動現象,這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件,探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時,形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點,以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具,來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 ; 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程,同時試圖建構出媒體-運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭,以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談,以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛,並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 ; 本文的主要貢獻,是通過考察威權語境中的媒體-運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先,媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題,由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次,在運動的架構過程中,抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略,具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛,並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後,新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制,使得抗爭事件停留於報端,令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念,將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 ; 以上發現表明,媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者,其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件,雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭,使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇,由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 ; Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. ; Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media ...

by Hung Ho Fung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-147). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Summary --- p.3 ; Acknowledgements --- p.5 ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Thearadox of Rural Stability --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature on Collective Action --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Elite Intervention and Organization: Independent Variables in the Analysis of Ruralrotest Intensity --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Conceptual Framework for Case Analysis --- p.69 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Extreme Cases --- p.73 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- intermediate Cases --- p.99 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Discussion and Conclusion --- p.135 ; References --- p.142

Au-Yeung Chi-ying. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includqes bibliographical references (leaves 143-161). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION ; The Issue --- p.1 ; The Case of Sun Ben wen --- p.10 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- CULTURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Cultural Environment and Social Life --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Social Change As Cultural Change --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Culture and Social Change in Modern China --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Social Progress: Towards a Modern Society --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Social Reconstruction: Man Made Social Changes --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.39 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- SOLVING SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN MODERN CHINA: CULTURE AND POLITICS ; Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.41 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Defining Social Problems --- p.43 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Cultural Maladjustment: The Cause of Social Problems in Modern China --- p.44 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Rural Problem: A Cultural Problem --- p.50 ; Economic Problems ; Educational Problems ; Problems of Public Health ; Problems of Collective Organizational Forms ; Chapter 3.5 --- Rural Problem: A Political Problem --- p.59 ; Chapter 3.6 --- Conclusion --- p.62 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- "SOCIOLOGISTS AND THE STATE: THE CASE OF THE SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT, NATIONAL CENTRAL UNIVERSITY" ; Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.64 ; Chapter 4.2 --- "Establishment of the Sociology Department, 1928 " --- p.65 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Closures of the Sociology Department in the 1930s --- p.73 ; The 1932 Crisis ; The 1936 Crisis ; Chapter 4.4 --- "The Ministry of Society and the Re-opening of the Sociology Department, 1941 " --- p.82 ; Chapter 4.5 --- Conclusion --- p.89 ; Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- LIMITED ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ACADEMIC SOCIOLOGISTS IN REPUBLICAN CHINA ; Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.92 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Sun Benwen's Cultural Eclecticism --- p.93 ; Liang Shuming's Cultural Conservatism ; Chen Xujing's Wholesale ...