Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1: An Introduction to Iconoclastic Controversies -- Chapter 2: Communicating Academic Knowledge beyond the Written Academic -- Chapter 3: On Antagonism and Nationalism -- A Discursive- Material Re- Reading -- Chapter 4: The Discourses and Materialities of Cypriot Antagonistic Nationalism -- Chapter 5: The Iconoclastic Controversies Photographs -- Chapter 6: The Reception of the Two Cypriot Exhibitions with Vaia Doudaki, Yiannis Christidis and Fatma Nazli Koksal -- Chapter 7: The Interviews -- Appendix 1: Overview of Interviews and Broadcasts by Project Partners about the Two Exhibitions in Cyprus -- Appendix 2: Media That Covered the Two Exhibitions in Cyprus.

Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority. ; Costas Gaganakis, The construction of memory in Protestant propagandaduring the French Religious WarsSubject of this article is the construction of collective, group memory,by French Protestant propagandists, such as Jean Crespin, during the troubled years of the French religious wars. The invention of a heroicpast, as constitutive element of Huguenot identity, not only served thepurposes of an imagined community, but equally sought to come toterms with the pressing political situation of the day. Huguenot polemicists,like François Hotman, also attempted to reconstruct Frenchnanional memory (and identity), by referring to an invented nationalpast, in order to justify their open rebellion against the French monarchy,especially following the events of August 1572.The insistence on the history of the martyrs, on the biblical identityof the Huguenots, served to consolidate inner bonds and to cultivatea sense of heroic perseverance for the persecuted minority. Huguenotcollective memory not only served to mould collective religious identity,but it also helped to promote a distinct political identity, that of afully loyal and wrongly persecuted, patriotic minority.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Spyridon Ploumidis, The notion of 'death' in the Greek Revolution (1821-1832): Ideological perceptions and political practice The evolution of Greek nationalist ideas signified the passage from patria to the nation. The eruption of the revolution influenced the way the Greeks perceived the notion of 'death'. Since, the struggle for independence was massive, death also became collective. The Greek revolutionaries claimed that the Sultan was intent on slaughtering the entirety of the Greek nation. This was not true, yet the death toll of the Greek Revolution exceeded the traditional limits of earlier Christian rebellions, and the number of dead is estimated between 230,000 and 600,000. Massacres occurred beyond the limits of the Peloponnese (in Constantinople, Smyrna, Chios at el.), and every Greek-speaking Orthodox individual became a potential victim of the revengeful Ottomans. The Ottoman atrocities drew the imaginary geographical boundaries of the Greek 'national' space. Nevertheless, Greeks were not the only victims of the War of Independence. By 1833, around 63.000 Muslims ('Turks') were either killed or expelled from the territory of the Greek state. Vengeance and hatred against the 'Turks' was a tenet of the Greek revolutionary agenda. In addition to its new collective nature, the notion of 'death' acquired during the Greek Revolution a new, political meaning. Koraes and Rigas had already prepared the ground for the grounding of their fellow-Greeks in this new perception. 'Death' came to describe 'slavery', 'tyranny', 'oligarchy' and submission to the 'Turks'. Natural death came to be seen as preferable to a meaningless life without Koraes' 'natural rights' (equality, rule of law, etc.). To this end, the Third National Assembly of the Greeks pronounced in 1827 the notion of 'political death'. The term 'death' in the revolutionary motto 'Freedom or Death' (Ελευθερία ή Θάνατος), which drew on the French maxim La Liberté ou la Mort, had by and large this political significance. The determination of the Greek revolutionaries to achieve freedoms and rights at the cost of their life is found in several official declarations and statements. General Spyromilios clarified that (life or) 'death' was hence forward a matter of 'national existence' and not of 'personal existence', i.e. it was primarily a collective and political issue. This ideological development was an outcome of secularization. Secular freedom was deemed to be hierarchically a superior value to the religious tolerance, which the Orthodox enjoyed within the Ottoman millet system. For that matter, the attainment of independence in 1830 was hailed by the protagonists as the 'resurrection' of the Greek nation.

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

Simitis examines the European debt crisis with particular reference to the Greek case. He investigates its spillover from a Greek-specific problem to a Eurozone-wide crisis and chronicles the policy responses to combat it. His central argument is that the main cause of the Eurozone's problems was, and still remains, the indecisiveness of European elites to tackle its underlying deficiencies. Leading Eurozone countries have been unwilling to commit to a common long-term plan which could deal convincingly with complex and inter-related problems affecting both its 'core' and its 'periphery'

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Yiannis Papatheodorou, a The cruel April of 1944»: Fiction, History and Memory in Straus Tsirkas's Drifting Cities Stratis Tsirkas, a distinguished Greek diaspora novelist in Egypt, published his important and controversial trilogy {The Club, Ariagne, The Bat), in the early '60s. The novel is situated in three colonial Mediterranean cities —Jerusalem, Cairo and Alexandria— drifting towards chaos in a war-torn Middle East, during 1942-1944. As far as the plot is concerned, the trilogy is inscribed to the wider context of postwar European literary «master-narratives» elaborating representations of war, Nazism and resistance, and also opening an agenda to the traumatic phenomena of a discontinuous modernity: violence, social repression, exclusion of the Other. This article discusses the politics of history and memory in Stratis Tsirkas's trilogy Drifting Cities in order to show how he problematizes the tropes of historical representation in a dialogical perspective, by focalizing to the Greek military left underground «movement of April 1944». His historical point of view, which clearly can be identified as the «return of the repressed», is related to the questions of an alternative narration about the past, enriched within a critical and deliberating interpretation of the left collective memory.

The late James Adam's edition of The Republic of Plato was published in 1902 and has long been out of print; it still remains among the most detailed and valuable critical editions available. D. A. Rees, Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College, Oxford, has written an introduction of 15,000 words for this edition. In it, he surveys Adam's work on The Republic and reviews subsequent work on the textual problems, language and meaning of the book. The book is divided into two volumes; Volume I, printed here, Introduction and Books I–V, and Volume II. Books VI–X and Indexes

Eleni Varikas, Les notions du «social» et du «politique» dans l'histoireDans cet article, je traite de certains problèmes théoriques et méthodologiquesqui résultent de la dissociation du «social)) et du «politique» dans l'étude du passé. Partant de l'historicité d'une telle dissociation,et de son rapport étroit avec la constitution historique des sciencessociales, j'interroge la difficulté de l'étude du passé de s'arracher à ladimension scientiste d'une telle tradition qui a longtemps attribué àl'Histoire le statut de la Providence. Au coeur d'une telle conception del'histoire, se situe la notion du progrès qui accorde au «fait vainqueur»,une autorité à la fois éthique et scientifique. Au delà de ses implicationsproblématiques sur le plan éthique, une telle démarche pose des problèmesde rigueur scientifique dont le plus important est d'éloigner de notrevision l'imprévisible, l'inconnu, tout ce qu'on ne peut déduire de ce quel'on connaît déjà. Partant d'exemples pris dans l'histoire des idées etl'histoire politique, je plaide enfin pour la valeur euristique d'une optiquede l'échec, c'est-à-dire d'un point de vue qui revisite le passé du pointde vue des projets, actions, promesses qui ont échoué. ; Eleni Varikas, Les notions du «social» et du «politique» dans l'histoireDans cet article, je traite de certains problèmes théoriques et méthodologiquesqui résultent de la dissociation du «social)) et du «politique» dans l'étude du passé. Partant de l'historicité d'une telle dissociation,et de son rapport étroit avec la constitution historique des sciencessociales, j'interroge la difficulté de l'étude du passé de s'arracher à ladimension scientiste d'une telle tradition qui a longtemps attribué àl'Histoire le statut de la Providence. Au coeur d'une telle conception del'histoire, se situe la notion du progrès qui accorde au «fait vainqueur»,une autorité à la fois éthique et scientifique. Au delà de ses implicationsproblématiques sur le plan éthique, une telle démarche pose des problèmesde rigueur scientifique dont le plus important est d'éloigner de notrevision l'imprévisible, l'inconnu, tout ce qu'on ne peut déduire de ce quel'on connaît déjà. Partant d'exemples pris dans l'histoire des idées etl'histoire politique, je plaide enfin pour la valeur euristique d'une optiquede l'échec, c'est-à-dire d'un point de vue qui revisite le passé du pointde vue des projets, actions, promesses qui ont échoué.

Michalis P. Liberatos, The Greek Communist Party and the SlavophonesMinority in West Macedonia during the German Occupation (1941-194The existence of a Christian Slavic-speaking population in West Macedoniaafter the exchanges of populations in 1923-1924 and its confrontationwith Greek residents affected not only the relations between Greeceand the neighbouring Balkan countries but also determined the attitudeof KKE towards the Greek political stage and its relations with the otherpolitical parties. Especially during the German Occupation in Greece thecontroversies were enforced because of the existence of Bulgarian occupationalauthorities in the region and the attempt of Germans to treatethnic differences as an instrument of oppression. On the contrary, theGreek resistance forces that acted in Macedonia attempted to avert theaccession of Slavophones to Bulgarian nationalism and tried to compromisethe contradictions between the minority and the Greek population.The main resistance movement in the region, EAM, an organisationthat included KKE as the stronger part of it, had the advantage thatit was acceptable to the minority. On the other hand, other Greek organisations,like PAO, caused a feeling of fear, insecurity and mistrust tothe minority as representatives of Greek nationalism. KKE, because of itspolitical attitude towards the defence of the social rights of the minorityin the Inter-War period, had gained the confidence of that population,something extremely useful for the purposes of the liberation struggle.Nevertheless, the other political forces in Greece suspected that KKEhad returned to its attitude about the «Autonomy» of Macedonia fromthe Greek State, which KKE had declared in the decade 1925-1935. Thatwas a great obstacle for a political party that for a long period exerteditself to prove that it had abandoned that policy and especially in relation with EAM, which was based primary on its patriotic character. In orderto avoid the charges that it favoured the Slavophones separatists andthe possibility of an internal crisis that might have dissolved the politicalalliance of EAM, KKE pursued to incorporate the Slavophones into theGreek liberation movement on purpose to create a state of mutual confidencebetween the two populations. At the same time, it tried to isolatethe minority from the propaganda of Bulgarian separatists and destroythe corresponding armed groups.The problems regarding the relations between the minority and theGreek resistance movement became more complicated because of theinvolvement of Tito's regime in Yugoslavia. Tito and his partisans attemptedto use their ideological connection with EAM as a means to persuadeGreeks to accept the existence of minority as a cause of a new arrangementof the borders between Greece and Yugoslavia in the post Warperiod. On the other hand, the leaders of EAM tried to avoid Tito's accusationsthat Greeks impeded the development of a Balkan resistanceco-operation against Axis and strove to confine the massive accession ofSlavophones to the Yugoslavian resistance army by incorporating membersof the minority in organisations of EAM. It was a very difficulttask and often caused more problems than it resolved. ; Michalis P. Liberatos, The Greek Communist Party and the SlavophonesMinority in West Macedonia during the German Occupation (1941-194The existence of a Christian Slavic-speaking population in West Macedoniaafter the exchanges of populations in 1923-1924 and its confrontationwith Greek residents affected not only the relations between Greeceand the neighbouring Balkan countries but also determined the attitudeof KKE towards the Greek political stage and its relations with the otherpolitical parties. Especially during the German Occupation in Greece thecontroversies were enforced because of the existence of Bulgarian occupationalauthorities in the region and the attempt of Germans to treatethnic differences as an instrument of oppression. On the contrary, theGreek resistance forces that acted in Macedonia attempted to avert theaccession of Slavophones to Bulgarian nationalism and tried to compromisethe contradictions between the minority and the Greek population.The main resistance movement in the region, EAM, an organisationthat included KKE as the stronger part of it, had the advantage thatit was acceptable to the minority. On the other hand, other Greek organisations,like PAO, caused a feeling of fear, insecurity and mistrust tothe minority as representatives of Greek nationalism. KKE, because of itspolitical attitude towards the defence of the social rights of the minorityin the Inter-War period, had gained the confidence of that population,something extremely useful for the purposes of the liberation struggle.Nevertheless, the other political forces in Greece suspected that KKEhad returned to its attitude about the «Autonomy» of Macedonia fromthe Greek State, which KKE had declared in the decade 1925-1935. Thatwas a great obstacle for a political party that for a long period exerteditself to prove that it had abandoned that policy and especially in relation with EAM, which was based primary on its patriotic character. In orderto avoid the charges that it favoured the Slavophones separatists andthe possibility of an internal crisis that might have dissolved the politicalalliance of EAM, KKE pursued to incorporate the Slavophones into theGreek liberation movement on purpose to create a state of mutual confidencebetween the two populations. At the same time, it tried to isolatethe minority from the propaganda of Bulgarian separatists and destroythe corresponding armed groups.The problems regarding the relations between the minority and theGreek resistance movement became more complicated because of theinvolvement of Tito's regime in Yugoslavia. Tito and his partisans attemptedto use their ideological connection with EAM as a means to persuadeGreeks to accept the existence of minority as a cause of a new arrangementof the borders between Greece and Yugoslavia in the post Warperiod. On the other hand, the leaders of EAM tried to avoid Tito's accusationsthat Greeks impeded the development of a Balkan resistanceco-operation against Axis and strove to confine the massive accession ofSlavophones to the Yugoslavian resistance army by incorporating membersof the minority in organisations of EAM. It was a very difficulttask and often caused more problems than it resolved.

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th Century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in Late Antiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. I.: lntroduction with the history of research and the manuscript tradition, Frontispice, Dedicatio, Imagines imperatorum, Natales Caesarum, the week of the planets, the months.

Es handelt sich um die erste zusammenhängende Ausgabe mit Kommentar des Kalenderhandbuches, das mit seinen Texten eine wichtige Quelle zur Geschichte, Verwaltung und zu den religiösen Mentalitäten in der Stadt Rom im 4. Jahrhundert n.Chr. darstellt. ; The first coherent and handy edition with commentaries of one oft he most important sources for history, administration and religious mentalities of the city of Rome in the 4th century A.D. ; The collection of pictures, lists and short notes, known as the "Chronography of 354" or the "Calendar of Filocalus" is a calendar handbook for the year 354 C.E. Of the thirteen texts, four are Christian documents; the remaining are witnesses of Roman administration and provide no clue for Christianity, or at times even attestations to the Roman religiosity of the Republic and the Imperial Time. The handbook contents can be distinguished by whether it has pictures or just text. Given the complexity of the present form of its constituents, the calendar handbook is an important source for the politic administrative history of the late-Constantine time, for the history of the transformation of religious mentalities, and for the success of the story of Christianity in the city of Rome. The following texts are especially noteworthy: (1) The consular fasti from the beginning of the consulate up to the year 354 CE, for the Roman History and the families that dominated it; (2) the yearly calendar for those festivals celebrated in late-Constantine time with their political and religio-historical dimension, which influenced the history of everyday life of the city; (3) the Catalogus Liberianus, the oldest Roman book of the popes, which together with the lists of the Deposito episcoporum and the Deposito martyrum, the oldest feriale of any Christian Church, is important for the Church of Rome and its conception of history. Notwithstanding a century-long history of editions and commentaries of the calendar handbook, there is up to the present no connected edition and commentary of the pertinent texts, only critical editions of individual parts. This is related to the complex tradition process and the preserved late manuscripts of the 16th and the 17th century. This poses a range of problems, which this edition and its commentaries tackle: (a) what all was part of the original calendar (b) when did the different texts and their redactions, which lead to the expansions, come into being (c) the perennial research problem of the relationship between the traditional Roman religion and Christianity, for which the texts of the chronographs provide crucial evidence (d) the position of the calendar handbook in the history of book illustration in LateAntiquity. Furthermore, since Mommsen's classical edition, a host of individual problems have been identified, which affect very different scientific endeavours, ranging from the studies of classical antiquities to theology and from cultural sciences to astronomy. Vol. 2: Fasti Consulares, Praefecti urbis Romae 254 - 354 A.D., Cpomputus Paschalis, Depositio martyrum, Depositio Episcoporum, Catalogus Liberianus

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.