Colonialism is one of the most emotion ally charged concepts in contemporary language. It is perceived in radically different ways by the colonizers and the colonized. Francisco de Gomara (1552), Adam Smith (1776) and Karl Marx (1848) described the discovery of the Americas and the sea route to India as the two most important events recorded in the history of humankind.1 Four hundred years later, K. M. Panikkar in his famous book Asia and Western Dominance characterized the 'Vasco da Gama era' as the beginning of the political domination of Asia by Europe.2 In 1992, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the "discovery" of America by Columbus, there was large scale condemnation of it as an invasion, colonization, legalised occupation, genocide, economic exploitation, eco logical destruction, institutional racism and moral decadence.3 On the same tone ran the voices of protest this year, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India. The Government of India announced that no official commemoration of the event would take place, and social activists planned protest actions against the event which they saw as the beginning of the colonization of the country.4 There are others, however, who warn against historical amnesia and want us to look at history more realistically. According to the famous ecclesiastical historian A. M. Mundadan, to picture the arrival of Vasco da Gama only as a black memory will be historically unjustifiable.
Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. "Politics and Archaeology : Colonialism, Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Archaeology, Part 1," The Review of Archaeology 18 (1997): 1-4, continué "Politics and Archaeology Colonialism, Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Archaeology, Part 2," The Review of Archaeology 19 (1998): 35-46.
Includes index. ; Revision of the author's thesis (Ph.D.--Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1978) with the title: Operation of multinational corporations in India. ; Bibliography: p. 308-330. ; Mode of access: Internet.
A commonly accepted premise among Canadians is that the Canadian nation evolved from a state of colonialism. It is not noted that this evolution has been retarded in the case of Canada's Indian Peoples. The words imperialism, colonialism, under-development, and modernization are often utilized, but very seldom are these terms applied to indigenous peoples within North America. The wealth of material by Canadians and Americans regarding overseas areas and the scarcity of similar analyses within borders of those countries seem very suggestive. Foreign areas would seem easy targets for comfortable analysis; too many twinges of conscience might result from internal analysis. The purpose of this study is to examine the situation of the Indian Peoples of Canada to determine whether they exist in a state of colonialism and, if so, to ascertain the role of education in maintaining this state. If findings allow, recommendations will be made regarding the direction of education that would counter this trend. This is a crucial area of study as the Indian Peoples form a substantial part of the Canadian population; a substantial part that has multiplied eight times in the space of seventy-five years and a part that continues to expand at a growth rate double the national average. Monetary and population pressures have forced government cutbacks in programs on reserves, forced increased migration to urban centres and forced more confrontations between the dominant society and the Indian Peoples. Unfortunately, the problem seems to be exacerbating and the confrontations destined to become more frequent and violent. Education is seen by Third World countries as an investment and an answer to development problems - is this a valid assessment? Regarding Canada's Indian Peoples, can and/or is education helping or hindering development? Or, is education simply a reinforcing mechanism for colonialism? Is education an answer, or part of the problem? Does the process of colonialism establish a mind-set that makes escape impossible? ...
The relationship between the federal and territorial governments in Canada has been described as colonial because important decisions affecting the territories can be, and have been, imposed upon them by the federal government. In the 1980s, the federal government utilized its power to unilaterally impose constitutional changes which were perceived by Northerners as being contrary to their interests. This Yukon case study exemplifies that colonial relationship in the context of language rights. ; On a décrit la relation entre les gouvernements fédéral et territoriaux au Canada comme coloniale parce que les décisions importantes affectant les territoires peuvent être - et ont été - imposées à ces derniers par le gouvernement fédéral. Au cours des années 1980, le gouvernement fédéral a utilisé son pouvoir pour imposer de façon unilatérale des changements constitutionnels qui ont été perçus par les habitants du Grand Nord comme contraires à leurs intérêts. Cette étude de cas au Yukon illustre cette relation coloniale dans le contexte des droits linguistiques.
This dissertation develops from the contention that a significant body of the literary activity of white South Africans since the 1970s can be characterised as a form of modernism. This characterisation devolves less upon the formal attributes of a body of literary writing than upon the particular position it occupies In the cultural sphere during this period . That position is one of political and cultural marginality. White writing is distanced from both the official culture of the state and an emergent populist culture associated with the urban social collectivities that begin to play an increasingly important role in the political life of South African society during the 1970s. In an introductory section, a comparison is drawn between the responses to social marginality within South African white writing and the reconsiderations of the political mission of literature by Jean-Paul Sartre and Roland Barthes, formulated in post - War France. The first chapter sets out a brief description of the cri sis that besets the South African social formation during the 1970s. The racial logic upon which the South African economy and social order is subtended comes under attack from two related sources. The first is the growing economic and political instability of the racial-capitalist system, while the second is renewed resistance to the manifest racially-ordered inequalities sponsored by that system. As discussed in the second chapter, this gathering crisis of their society impells white writers and intellectuals to question and revise long-held paradigms of thought and practices of representation, drawing on the resources of comparable revisions of established paradigms taking place in western thought. Equally, these writers and intellectuals become concerned with the critical re-examination of established accounts of the ethical vocation and social function of intellectual and literary work. But white writers and intellectuals were, in the polarised political conditions of the 1970s, unable to find a home in emergent internal opposition organisations predicated, for the most part, on versions of an anti- colonial nationalism. In the third chapter, consideration is given to the critique that begins to circulate in the period, of the associations of the South African literary and literary-critical establishment with the interests of white hegemony. This critique leads white writers such as Nadine Gordimer and JM Coetzee to reject a literary tradition found to be rooted in a colonial past and embodying colonial assumptions that are no longer tenable. This rejection of their cultural patrimony leads white writers to seek new ways of imagining the relationship between their writing and their society, as well as new forms capable of representing that altered relationship. At the same time however, this critical reflection upon the coloniality of established literary practices and forms, distances white writing from the populist and realist concerns of writers associated with emergent oppositional cultural formations . Developments during the 1970s serve to make the cultural sphere an important zone of political contestation. In the fourth chapter some of the tactics and manoeuvres in this contest are disc us sed. White writers adopt a modernist defence of their relative isolation from political actuality and their failure to conform to the requirements of a socially-committed literature. The development of a body of committed literature by black writers is discussed. However, the formal inconsistency of this literature ' s relationship to " realism" indicates that in the South African situation, "realism" and "modernism" are less a matter of the formal characteristics of a given body of literary work than a description of the differentiations in the audience, social function and ambitions of white and black writing. The dissertation is therefore aimed at pro vi ding an account of the historical ground that gives rise to this racial division of literature and literary activity in South Africa. Such an account serves to historicise and contextualise the various positions on commitment, artistic responsibility, the politicisation of art and the question of the capacity of cultural organisations to prescribe the form or content of artistic production, which are the subject of controversy in present-day South Africa.
Metadata only record ; In analyzing the obstacles to democratization in post-independence Africa, Mahmood Mamdani offers a bold, insightful account of colonialism's legacy--a bifurcated power that mediated racial domination through tribally organized local authorities, reproducing racial identity in citizens and ethnic identity in subjects. Many writers have understood colonial rule as either direct (French) or indirect (British), with a third variant--apartheid--as exceptional. This benign terminology, Mamdani shows, masks the fact that these were actually variants of despotism. While direct rule denied rights to subjects on racial grounds, indirect rule incorporated them into a customary mode of rule, with state-appointed Native Authorities defining custom. By tapping authoritarian possibilities in culture, and by giving culture an authoritarian bent, indirect rule (decentralized despotism) set the pace for Africa; the French followed suit by changing from direct to indirect administration, while apartheid emerged relatively later. Apartheid, Mamdani shows, was actually the generic form of the colonial state in Africa. Through case studies of rural (Uganda) and urban (South Africa) resistance movements, we learn how these institutional features fragment resistance and how states tend to play off reform in one sector against repression in the other. Reforming a power that institutionally enforces tension between town and country, and between ethnicities, is the key challenge for anyone interested in democratic reform in Africa.
Britain brought to its colonies a set of Western attitudes toward the appropriate role and status of trade unions. On September 17, 1930, Lord Passfield (formerly Sidney Webb), Secretary of State for the Colonies issued a directive, urging all colonial governments to take appropriate measures to encourage the exist- ence of trade unions. Lord Passfield said: "I regard the formation of such associations in the Colonial Dependencies as a natural and legitimate consequence of social and industrial progress, but I recognize that there is a danger that, without sympathetic supervision and guidance, organizations of labourers without experience of combination for any social or economic progress, may fall under the domination of disaffected persons, by which their activities may be diverted to improper and mischievous ends. I accordingly feel that it is the duty of Colonial Governments to take such steps as may be possible to smooth the passage of such organizations, as they emerge, into constitutional channels. As a step in this direction it is, in my opinion, desirable that legislation on the lines of Section 2 and 3 of the Trade Union Act 1871 should be enacted in all Dependencies, where it does not already exist, declaring that trade unions are not criminal, or unlawful for civil purposes, and also providing for the compulsory registration of trade unions". This directive was to remain standard British policy towards trade unions in the colonies and provided the "raison d'etre" which became known as the "British Model". ; peer-reviewed
Key moments in the evolution of adult education in Hong Kong are explored: these shed light on the relationship between adult education, economic development, and democratisation under late colonialsim.
La discussion sur la colonisation portugaise contemporaine se situe nécessairement au carrefour de deux débats: un premier, relatif à la nature du système politique en vigueur en métropole de 1930-33 à 1974 (la "Situation" ou Estado Novo); un second, sur la profondeur des caractéristiques particulières de la colonisation, du Congrès de Berlin (1884-85) à 1974, c'est-à-dire d'un phénomène sur lequel 'Estado Novo a pesé d'un poids considérable mais qui lui est antérieur. Pour résumer (trop) rapidement la question, on pourrait la forrnuler en deux temps: si la rnétropole a connu un régirne "fasciste", les colonies ont-elles été "colonial-fascistes"? si la métropole ne peut être caractérisée de la sorte, est-ce également pour cela que l'empire n'a pas revêtu la forme d'un "colonial-fascisme"? Le débat est en réalité beaucoup plus vaste. II s'agit, pour appréhender les réalités du complexe Portugal/Empire au XXe siècle, de savoir si nous avons besoín de concepts particuliers soulignant l' "exception" lusitanienne ou si, à l'inverse, cette histoire n'est compréhnsible qu' en recourant aux concepts généraux de l'histoire des imperialisms européenns de ce siècle.
Includes bibliographical references ; I take my lead from a paper by Bruce Trigger (1984) in which he divides the disciplinary field into three modes or forms of archaeology: a colonialist archaeology, a nationalist archaeology and an imperialist archaeology. He goes on to suggest (1990) that South African archaeology is the most colonialist archaeology of all. Trigger was writing at a point before the current political transformation in South Africa had emerged over the horizon of visibility. Writing somewhat later, and from the point of view of a Third World archaeologist, I ask: What would a post-colonial archaeology look like? In particular, what would it look like from the point of view of South Africa in the late 1990s?
Between 1869 and 1985, the Indian Act presumed that once the Mi'kmaq of Nova Scotia could be christianised and civilised, they would voluntarily embrace enfranchisement. By 1949, almost no Mi'kmaq had volunteered. A Parliamentary review of the Indian Act concluded that voluntary enfranchisement as a policy of assimilation was not working. In 1949, when Newfoundland's confederation with Canada was negotiated, federal officials refused to assume their constitutional obligations to the Mi'kmaq, and other First Nations, in Newfoundland and Labrador, by not recognising them as Aboriginal peoples pursuant to the Indian Act. What the Indian Act had failed to accomplish in respect to assimilating Mi'kmaq people in Nova Scotia with their consent, federal officials attempted to make happen in Newfoundland and Labrador by their unilateral use of Liberal democratic theory. Federal officials asserted that because the Mi'kmaq and other First Nations peoples in Newfoundland and Labrador had been de-Indianized by their contact with white colonial society and because they had a theoretical right to vote, they could not be considered as Indians under the Indian Act. Federal officials applied a policy of "forced" enfranchisement for the first time in Canadian history to the Mi'kmaq and other First Nations peoples in Newfoundland and Labrador in 1965. This policy is still in force today in Newfoundland and Labrador. *** Entre 1869 et 1985, la Loi sur les indiens supposa qu'après avoir été «civilisé» et «chrétienisé» le peuple Mi'kmaq de la Nouvelle-Écosse accepterait le droit de vote. Jusqu'à 1949, aucun Mi'kmaq se présenta comme volontaire. Une étude parlementaire de la Loi sur les indiens conclut que la politique d'octroyer le droit de vote aux volontaires ne marchait pas comme stratégie d'assimilation. En 1949, lorsque la confédération de la Terre-Neuve avec le Canada fut négociée, les fonctionnaires fédéraux refusèrent d'assumer leurs obligations constitutionnelles envers le peuple Mi'kmaq et les autres Premières Nations en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador en ne leur reconnaissant pas comme un peuple autochtone selon la Loi sur les indiens. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux voulurent faire en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador en utilisant unilatéralement la théorie libérale de la démocratie ce que la Loi sur les indiens ne put pas faire en Nouvelle-Écosse. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux prétendirent que le peuple Mi'kmaq et les autres Premières Nations en Terre Neuve et au Labrador n'aient pas pu être considéré comme des Indiens selon la Loi sur les indiens parce que ces peuples aient perdu leur identité «indien» à cause de leur contact avec la société blanche colonisatrice et à cause de leur droit de vote théorique. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux mirent en place une politique d'octroiement «forcé» de droit de vote pour la première fois dans l'histoire canadienne envers le peuple Mi'kmaq et des autres Premières Nations en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador. Cette politique est encore en force aujourd'hui.
Between 1869 and 1985, the Indian Act presumed that once the Mi'kmaq of Nova Scotia could be christianised and civilised, they would voluntarily embrace enfranchisement. By 1949, almost no Mi'kmaq had volunteered. A Parliamentary review of the Indian Act concluded that voluntary enfranchisement as a policy of assimilation was not working. In 1949, when Newfoundland's confederation with Canada was negotiated, federal officials refused to assume their constitutional obligations to the Mi'kmaq, and other First Nations, in Newfoundland and Labrador, by not recognising them as Aboriginal peoples pursuant to the Indian Act. What the Indian Act had failed to accomplish in respect to assimilating Mi'kmaq people in Nova Scotia with their consent, federal officials attempted to make happen in Newfoundland and Labrador by their unilateral use of Liberal democratic theory. Federal officials asserted that because the Mi'kmaq and other First Nations peoples in Newfoundland and Labrador had been de-Indianized by their contact with white colonial society and because they had a theoretical right to vote, they could not be considered as Indians under the Indian Act. Federal officials applied a policy of "forced" enfranchisement for the first time in Canadian history to the Mi'kmaq and other First Nations peoples in Newfoundland and Labrador in 1965. This policy is still in force today in Newfoundland and Labrador. *** Entre 1869 et 1985, la Loi sur les indiens supposa qu'après avoir été «civilisé» et «chrétienisé» le peuple Mi'kmaq de la Nouvelle-Écosse accepterait le droit de vote. Jusqu'à 1949, aucun Mi'kmaq se présenta comme volontaire. Une étude parlementaire de la Loi sur les indiens conclut que la politique d'octroyer le droit de vote aux volontaires ne marchait pas comme stratégie d'assimilation. En 1949, lorsque la confédération de la Terre-Neuve avec le Canada fut négociée, les fonctionnaires fédéraux refusèrent d'assumer leurs obligations constitutionnelles envers le peuple Mi'kmaq et les autres Premières Nations en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador en ne leur reconnaissant pas comme un peuple autochtone selon la Loi sur les indiens. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux voulurent faire en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador en utilisant unilatéralement la théorie libérale de la démocratie ce que la Loi sur les indiens ne put pas faire en Nouvelle-Écosse. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux prétendirent que le peuple Mi'kmaq et les autres Premières Nations en Terre Neuve et au Labrador n'aient pas pu être considéré comme des Indiens selon la Loi sur les indiens parce que ces peuples aient perdu leur identité «indien» à cause de leur contact avec la société blanche colonisatrice et à cause de leur droit de vote théorique. Les fonctionnaires fédéraux mirent en place une politique d'octroiement «forcé» de droit de vote pour la première fois dans l'histoire canadienne envers le peuple Mi'kmaq et des autres Premières Nations en Terre-Neuve et au Labrador. Cette politique est encore en force aujourd'hui.
The 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India gives us an opportunity to assess the impact of colonialism on the life of our people. Colonialism is a multi-dimensional phenomenon.1 It is first of all a political reality: the conquest of and rule over alien peoples and their territories. Its original purpose may have been the protection of the lucrative trade of the colonial powers. Gradually it developed into a large-scale economic exploitation of the colonized lands. It also began to exert considerable influence on the socio-cultural life of the colonized peoples. A paternalistic effort to "improve" the life of the people also became part of the programme of the colonial masters. There was, of course, a difference of opinion as to the kind of "improvement" the colonized people needed.
In this article it is argued that there are different forms of colonialism and that some forms mainly featured in ancient and medieval times, while some forms belong to the modern and contemporary age. Forms such as tribal invasions, the moving of frontiers , political empires and trade colonies already existed during antiquity. Only from the sixteenth century onwards commercial empires were established world wide, giving rise to the development of settlement colonies. The large colonial empires which still existed at the beginning of the twentieth century have come to an end, but colonialism as such has not disappeared. Internal colonialism, which made its appearance with the development of the modern state system, and indirect colonialism should be regarded as the main forms of colonialism which exist today.
