Suchergebnisse

Ce volume reflète l'extraordinaire essor pris ces dernières années par l'histoire des femmes en situation coloniale. Onze contributions, concernant des territoires coloniaux divers, portant sur les XIXe et XXe siècles, abordent, à travers des aspects historiques, littéraires, sociologiques ou politiques, des questions fondamentales pour cerner « le sexe » de la colonisation et de la décolonisation. Elles nous montrent combien, dans les deux processus, les rapports de genre, de classe et de race s'imbriquent dans les discours et dans les faits. La richesse des approches et des problématiques démontre, s'il le fallait, la pertinence de l'outil « genre » dans l'analyse des impérialismes.

Kant is widely regarded as a fierce critic of colonialism. In Toward Perpetual Peace and the Metaphysics of Morals, for example, he forcefully condemns European conduct in the colonies as a flagrant violation of the principles of right. His earlier views on colonialism have not yet received much detailed scrutiny, however. In this essay I argue that Kant actually endorsed and justified European colonialism until the early 1790s. I show that Kant's initial endorsement and his subsequent criticism of colonialism are closely related to his changing views on race, because his endorsement of a racial hierarchy plays a crucial role in his justification of European colonialism. He gave up both in the mid 1790s while he was developing his legal and political philosophy, and he adopted a more egalitarian version of the cosmopolitan relationship among peoples.

[ES] En este capítulo se examinan las relaciones entre arqueología europea y discurso y práctica colonial, tanto durante la época del colonialismo moderno como en el actual período poscolonial. ; [EN] In this chapter, the relationships between European archaeology and colonial discourse and practice are examined, both during the period of modern colonialism and in the present post-colonial era.

Irish journalism developed during the 19th century at a time of tremendous change. While journalists were involved in the debates about nationalism, both as commentators and in many cases activists, they also developed a journalism practice that corresponded to the professional norms of journalists in Britain and the United States. It would appear that the middle-class nature of Irish journalists meant there was a dual pressure towards professionalising journalism and fighting for legislative independence. Both factors came together in the development of a public sphere, where professional journalists were involved in creating public opinion.

This study is to be considered from a sociolinguistic view. It aims at highlighting the pathologlossical nature of the ties of some creole speakers with their mother tongue. This process pays special regard to the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands during the colonial period so as to demonstrate the roots of French-based creoles. However it shows the utmost importance to the former colony of Reunion (located in the Indian Ocean and institutionally French).It also deals with the ancient American colonies (Dominica, Haiti, St Lucia) and those of the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, the Seychelles) which escape the French linguistic planification. It tries to establish possible links between the speakers relations to their native language and the servile conditions which gave birth to their language.Such a study grants special treatment to the linguistic planification. It focuses on the intrusion of politics in the various uses of languages on the pathologlossical impacts of a conditioning that attaches little importance to human beings.It offers a humanistic approach in defining a linguistic policy in order to reduce the gap among other things as regards school or social loss. ; Cette étude se place dans une perspective sociolinguistique. Elle souhaite mettre en exergue le caractère pathoglossique des rapports de certains créolophones à leur langue maternelle. Cette démarche accorde une attention particulière aux populations en présence pendant la période coloniale française dans les Caraïbes, dans le dessein de démontrer les conditions de la naissance des créoles à base française. Cependant, elle s'intéresse dans une mesure non moindre à l'ex-colonie de la Réunion (située dans l'Océan indien et française institutionnellement) ainsi qu'aux ex-colonies d'Amérique (Dominique, Haïti, Sainte-Lucie) et d'Océan indien (Maurice, Seychelles) qui échappent à la politique de planification linguistique de la France.Elle essaye d'établir les liens possibles entre les rapports des locuteurs à leur langue maternelle et les conditions serviles qui ont donné naissance à cette langue.Cette étude accorde un traitement hors du commun à la planification linguistique. Elle met l'accent sur l'intervention de la Politique dans les différents domaines d'emploi des langues et les impacts pathoglossiques d'un conditionnement qui accorde à l'humain une place insignifiante.Elle propose une approche humaniste dans la définition de la politique linguistique afin de réduire le fossé, entre autres, en matière de déperdition scolaire et sociale.

This study is to be considered from a sociolinguistic view. It aims at highlighting the pathologlossical nature of the ties of some creole speakers with their mother tongue. This process pays special regard to the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands during the colonial period so as to demonstrate the roots of French-based creoles. However it shows the utmost importance to the former colony of Reunion (located in the Indian Ocean and institutionally French).It also deals with the ancient American colonies (Dominica, Haiti, St Lucia) and those of the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, the Seychelles) which escape the French linguistic planification. It tries to establish possible links between the speakers relations to their native language and the servile conditions which gave birth to their language.Such a study grants special treatment to the linguistic planification. It focuses on the intrusion of politics in the various uses of languages on the pathologlossical impacts of a conditioning that attaches little importance to human beings.It offers a humanistic approach in defining a linguistic policy in order to reduce the gap among other things as regards school or social loss. ; Cette étude se place dans une perspective sociolinguistique. Elle souhaite mettre en exergue le caractère pathoglossique des rapports de certains créolophones à leur langue maternelle. Cette démarche accorde une attention particulière aux populations en présence pendant la période coloniale française dans les Caraïbes, dans le dessein de démontrer les conditions de la naissance des créoles à base française. Cependant, elle s'intéresse dans une mesure non moindre à l'ex-colonie de la Réunion (située dans l'Océan indien et française institutionnellement) ainsi qu'aux ex-colonies d'Amérique (Dominique, Haïti, Sainte-Lucie) et d'Océan indien (Maurice, Seychelles) qui échappent à la politique de planification linguistique de la France.Elle essaye d'établir les liens possibles entre les rapports des locuteurs à leur langue maternelle et les conditions ...

Colonialism is one of the most emotion­ ally charged concepts in contemporary language. It is perceived in radically different ways by the colonizers and the colonized. Francisco de Gomara (1552), Adam Smith (1776) and Karl Marx (1848) described the discovery of the Americas and the sea route to India as the two most important events recorded in the history of humankind.1 Four hundred years later, K. M. Panikkar in his famous book Asia and Western Dominance characterized the 'Vasco da Gama era' as the beginning of the political domination of Asia by Europe.2 In 1992, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the "discovery" of America by Columbus, there was large scale condemnation of it as an invasion, colonization, legalised occupation, genocide, economic exploitation, eco­ logical destruction, institutional racism and moral decadence.3 On the same tone ran the voices of protest this year, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India. The Government of India announced that no official commemoration of the event would take place, and social activists planned protest actions against the event which they saw as the beginning of the colonization of the country.4 There are others, however, who warn against historical amnesia and want us to look at history more realistically. According to the famous ecclesiastical historian A. M. Mundadan, to picture the arrival of Vasco da Gama only as a black memory will be historically unjustifiable.

International audience ; Exile and colonialism play an essential part in Jamaica Kincaid's novels. This antagonism is best expressed in Kincaid's early fiction through conflictual mother-daughter relationships. My paper aims to show that such aspects are connected facets of the identity nexus which informs the body politics of contemporary female Caribbean writers. ; L'exil et le colonialisme jouent un rôle essentiel dans les romans de Jamaica Kincaid. Cet antagonisme trouve sa meilleure expression dans les premiers écrits fictionnels de Kincaid à travers des relations conflictuelle entre mère et fille. La présente étude vise à montrer que de tels aspects représentent des facettes interdépendantes du problème identitaire qui marque de son empreinte la questionnement sur le corps chez les écrivains féminins contemporains de la Caraïbe.

International audience ; Exile and colonialism play an essential part in Jamaica Kincaid's novels. This antagonism is best expressed in Kincaid's early fiction through conflictual mother-daughter relationships. My paper aims to show that such aspects are connected facets of the identity nexus which informs the body politics of contemporary female Caribbean writers. ; L'exil et le colonialisme jouent un rôle essentiel dans les romans de Jamaica Kincaid. Cet antagonisme trouve sa meilleure expression dans les premiers écrits fictionnels de Kincaid à travers des relations conflictuelle entre mère et fille. La présente étude vise à montrer que de tels aspects représentent des facettes interdépendantes du problème identitaire qui marque de son empreinte la questionnement sur le corps chez les écrivains féminins contemporains de la Caraïbe.

A review of Donald S. Moore, Jake Kosek and Anand Pandian's (Eds) Race, Nature, and the Politics of Difference (Duke University Press, Durham, 2003).

The politics of the global imperial era are having real-world environmental consequences globally, especially in the former colonies. Indifferent administration by overseas imperial powers transparently sought to enrich their home country with little to no thought about the long term environmental or political consequences for the colony. One of the main objectives of global imperialism, from the first Spanish colonies to the last of the British and Portuguese colonies, was the enhanced profitable extraction of resources. The industrial revolution fueled the need for colonial resource extraction. Industrialization and imperialism formed a positive feedback loop, in which one created a greater need for the other. As the dance between industrialization and imperialism grew faster less care was paid toward environmental concerns. This cycle played out until global power was consolidated by a few global empires on a scale unprecedented in human history, by the early 20th century. Then the massive geo-political traumas of the 21st century caused these global empires to collapse and created many "experienced-distant" countries. These countries were based off arbitrarily drawn zones of administration, causing them to be plagued with internal political and sovereignty issues. These destabilizing forces have left many post-colonial governments unable to properly manage the environmental scars left by global imperialism, and often these scars would be made deeper as a result of the geopolitical chess of the Cold-War and as well as decades following.

Copyright-based industries have become revolutionary. That is, the machinery of production of digital wares has itself taken on the role of the revolutionary class within the political economy of digital production. The progress of capitalist production in this industry has undermined the conditions of its own possibility, not because it has driven the proletariat to rise against an oppressive system, but because the means of production, through digital media, have simultaneously made communist production possible, and the continued separation of the means of production from the laborer impracticable.

In this article, I explore a possible 'conversation' between a leading African political sociologist, Peter P. Ekeh, in his theory of 'two publics', and the late French philosopher, historian and social theorist, Michel Foucault, in his theory of governmentality. I examine the 'lingering effects of colonialism' and point to how Ekeh's insight and its usefulness for examining the politico-cultural consequences of colonialism in terms of the conduct of conduct in the public realm can be further enriched by relating it to the deeply penetrating insight on the nature of power and domination articulated through the concept of governmentality and sovereign power. The paper concludes that Ekeh's thesis is particularly suitable for interrogating governmentality and its useful insights for understanding public life in Africa because, like Foucault's theory of governmentality, it is grounded on a historical account of contemporary processes of socio-political and economic configuration.

In the seventeenth century, France established plantation colonies in the islands of the Caribbean and Indian Ocean. Within fifty years these had become important sites of commerce that supplied valuable raw materials and agricultural commodities. But despite their economic and strategic importance the colonial world was sparsely represented in public discourses and debates. Sustained representation of the colonies would have entailed depiction of the regime of slavery and meant taking a position for or against an institution that was considered economically advantageous but which was also morally suspect. Only the closing decades of the eighteenth century when an abolitionist discourse supported by economic arguments gained momentum, did the colonies and slavery became subjects of representation in domains such as literature, philosophy and material culture. The silence that enveloped the colonial world had several dimensions. Besides silence in the strict sense of the term we can identify processes of shifting toward subjects related to colonialism yet far more visible, notably oriental exoticism and the theme of the 'noble savage'. These transfers took place, not only in literature and political debates but also in visual and material culture. They occurred, for example, in the sphere of furniture. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries French furniture underwent radical transformations as a result of the import of precious hardwoods and other tropical commodities from the Caribbean and the Indian Ocean. But these transformations did not give rise to a tropical or colonial brand of exoticism. Rather, it is possible to trace patterns of substitution by which colonial raw materials – mahogany and ebony, tortoiseshell and rosewood – were transformed into merchandise that appealed to the orientalist tastes of the period: sofas and ottomans, chests decorated with Asian lacquer, chairs with Egyptian motifs. In the eighteenth century, as today, consumers' attention was drawn to the cultural origins of merchandise rather than to the geography of production or the conditions of labor in "offshore" centers of production.

The work took a hard and critical look on the impact of colonialism and its concomitant ally, imperialism on the African state. The analysis revealed that the present primary role of African states in the international world economy as the dominant sources of raw materials and major consumers of manufactured products are the results of long years of colonial dominance, exploitation and imperialism. Consequently, on attainment of independence by most African states from their colonial overlords, it was extremely very difficult to disentangle from the colonial perfected role for the state because of the systematic disarticulation in the indigenous economy and the intrinsic tying of same with the external economy of the colonizers. The work also made a startling stark revelation by discovering through analysis that the deep-seated corruption in most African states and the selfish behaviour of some of the political leaders to sit tight in office even when they have obviously outlived their usefulness in the eyes of their people, are attributable to the effects of colonialism and imperialism. The work concludes and recommends that for African states to overcome their present social, economic, political, health, education woes, etc., there is the urgent need for the people and the leadership to create their own indigenous identity, culture, technology, economy, education, religion, craft, etc. that would be interwoven in good governance. Key words: Colonialism; Good governance; Impact; African states and Europe