Settler colonialism has long been at the center of the Palestine Liberation Organization's understanding of Zionism, providing the theoretical basis for the proposal of a unitary, democratic and non-sectarian state in historic Palestine. The Oslo Accords reversed this trend, promoting a discourse centered on conflict resolution, coexistence and the "two people-two states" solution. The recent consolidation of Settler Colonial Studies as an academic field, led to a powerful resurgence of settler colonialism as the interpretive framework for understanding Zionism and decolonization as the solution to the Palestine question. ; L'analisi del sionismo come colonialismo di insediamento è stato a lungo il quadro ideologico di riferimento dell'Organizzazione per la Liberazione della Palestina e la base teorica per l'elaborazione della proposta di Stato unitario, democratico e non confessionale nella Palestina storica. L'era degli Accordi di Oslo ha invertito questa tendenza, promuovendo un discorso incentrato sulla retorica del conflitto, della coesistenza e della soluzione "due popoli-due stati". Recentemente, grazie al consolidamento in ambito accademico dei Settler Colonial Studies si è posto di nuovo al centro del dibattito il colonialismo di insediamento come paradigma per comprendere il sionismo e la decolonizzazione come soluzione alla questione palestinese.
La Tesi in oggetto tratta della storia di Puerto Rico, colonia spagnola nelle Antille per circa 400 anni, poi possedimento statunitense dal trattato di pace firmato a Parigi nel dicembre del 1898, come conseguenza della guerra Ispano Cubano Americana. Detto questo, mi sono voluto focalizzare sugli anni che precedettero di poco la guerra, che portò alla Spagna la perdita delle ultime colonie, e di quelli immediatamente successivi, in cui si instaurò un Governatorato Militare e poi Civile sotto l'egida degli Stati Uniti. La scelta del periodo suddetto è stata fatta perché ho ritenuto che quegli anni avessero fatto da matrice a ciò che Puerto Rico è stato per molti anni (e per certi versi ancora ora è): un paese in cerca di una identità. Dai documenti archivistici consultati, l'ultimo periodo spagnolo è vissuto dalla potenza coloniale come una lunga ed inesorabile attesa verso una fine drammatica. Mi sono focalizzato molto sui documenti che trattavano le relazioni fra il Governo di Madrid, e del Ministero deputato alle colonie, Ultramar, e quello di Puerto Rico, proprio per cercare di capire come vivessero gli amministratori, i governanti, quegli anni per loro niente affatto facili. Ho completato quei documenti con altri di provenienza opposta, ossia statunitense, prodotti dal rappresentante americano sull'isola, il Console, che davano una visione più ampia e completa del periodo in esame. Visione ulteriormente allargata grazie anche a fonti esterne ai due stati come quelle a stampa. Stampa che ha giocato un ruolo, almeno nel caso dello scoppio della guerra, per nulla secondario. Da altri documenti archivistici, di stampo militare soprattutto, ho anche voluto soffermarmi su alcuni momenti della guerra che mi sono serviti a capire il grande divario che c'era fra le due forze in campo. Altro punto, e periodo, approfondito è quello immediatamente successivo alla firma dell'armistizio che avrebbe portato al Trattato di Pace fra le due potenze, perché il brusco cambio di potere, intervallato da una sorta di vacatio imperii dovuta alla evacuazione dell'isola da parte spagnola e l'impossessamento della stessa da parte statunitense, ha portato ad un periodo di criminalità e violenza mai sperimentati a Puerto Rico fino ad allora. Altro lasso di tempo topico preso in esame è quello in cui dal Governatorato Militare si passa a quello Civile attraverso una Legge Organica emanata da Washington, passata alla storia come Legge Foraker. E' quello il periodo in cui il colonialismo di stampo americano inizia ad estrinsecarsi maggiormente e a compiere più alacri sforzi ai fini della "americanizzazione" di Puerto Rico. Da quanto detto finora, le domande che mi sono posto, e a cui ho cercato di dare una risposta, sono state: Come si viveva dal punto di vista amministrativo e politico, e di conseguenza anche sociale, a Puerto Rico negli ultimi anni di dominio spagnolo? Come è avvenuto il passaggio di consegne fra le due potenze e cosa ha immediatamente prodotto? Come gli statunitensi hanno agito nei primi anni di Governatorato Civile e cosa hanno lasciato in eredità? In tutto ciò, il filone storiografico a cui mi sono accodato è quello di stampo portoricano e poi statunitense ( non esistendone in Italia uno al riguardo), con come storico di maggiore riferimento il portoricano Fernando Picò. ; The thesis in question is about the history of Puerto Rico, the Spanish colony in the West Indies for 400 years, then the property of the US by the treaty of peace signed in Paris in December 1898, as a result of the Hispanic Cuban American war. That said, I wanted to focus on the years leading up to the war, which led to the loss of the last Spanish colonies, and those immediately following, in which is established a Military Government and then the Civil under the aegis of the United States.The choice of that period has been taken because I thought that those years had been like a matrix for what Puerto Rico has been for long years (and still is, in some ways): a country looking for an identity. From the archive documents that I've consulted, the last period of Spanish rule is lived by the colonial power as a long and inexorable waiting for a dramatic end. I have been focused on documents about the relationships among Madrid Govern, Ministerio de Ultramar and Puerto Rico Govern, to try to understand the way the administrators lived those not easy years. I've completed those documents with others from the opposite side, the USA one, made by the American representative on the island, the Consul, that gave a larger point of view of the period in exam. The view has been even wider thanks to external sources of the two states as the press ones. The press that played a big role, at least in the case of the war, second to none. The documents of military archives helped me to understand the differences on the playground battle. One more period of interest has been the one about the armistice and the days after, until the treaty of peace signed in Paris, when there was a sort of vacation imperii done because of the evacuation of the island by the Spaniards and the taken by the USA that leaded to a period of high criminality and violence never seen in Puerto Rico. Another topic period was the passage from a Military Government to a Civil one, thanks to the Organic Law called Foraker. That was the period when the usa colonialism begins to exteriorize more to make greatest effort for the Americanization of Puerto Rico. With that said, the question I've made to myself, which I've tried to answer, have been: How was the political, administrative and social life in Puerto Rico before the war under the Spanish rule? How has been the passage between the two powers and what immediately has done? How the USA governs acted in the early years of Civil Government and what they left as legacy? With that said, the genre of historiography which I agreed is the Portorican and American one (not having one italian), as leading historians Fernando Picò and Maria Dolores Luque de Sanchez. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia dell'Europa XIV-XX secolo (XXVIII ciclo)
Come ha più d'una volta ribadito il figlio Giuliano, Pietro Bonfante non fu mai un nazionalista. Lo dimostra, in primo luogo, il suo atteggiamento sulla Dalmazia. Egli, soprattutto per ragioni storico-demografiche, contrastò ogni velleità d'annessione di queste terre. Descriverlo come avversario del colonialismo è senza dubbio inesatto, ma Pietro Bonfante – lo attesta la sua memoria in difesa di re Faysal di Siria – condannò decisamente la politica francese e inglese in Medio Oriente e l'accordo Sykes-Picot. Egli inoltre, a differenza dei nazionalisti, in politica economica fu un liberista, sebbene rifugisse anche in questo campo ogni dogmatismo. Fin dal 1915 si convinse che il ciclo storico del dominio mondiale europeo stesse per chiudersi e che Il futuro appartenesse ormai alle nuove realtà continentali e, in particolare, agli Stati Uniti d'America. L'unica via di salvezza per il vecchio continente era l'unione politica di Francia, Italia , paesi latini e Germania. La sua adesione al fascismo – mai sincera – fu distaccata e prudente e non gli impedì, in pieno 1925, di avanzare progetti di riforma ispirati al costituzionalismo liberale.Pietro Bonfante, as stressed more than once by his son Giuliano, was never a nationalist. His attitude in the relationship with Dalmatia proves this. Mainly for demographic and historical reasons he opposed everyone intending to grab these lands. Depicting him as an enemy of colonialism is with no doubt incorrect, but Pietro Bonfante – the defence written for King Faysal of Syria shows it – fiercely attacked French and English politics in the Middle East and the Sykes-Picot agreement. In addition, unlike the nationalists, he was a liberist, though avoiding every economic orthodoxy. Since 1915 he was convinced that the time had come for Europe to release the grasp on world leadership, which was now belonging to new continental states and in particular to the U.S.A. The only way for the Old Continent to save itself was the political union of France, Italy, latin nations and Germany. His adhesion to fascism – never sincere – was very cautious and it never stopped him, in 1925, from proposing reform projects inspired by liberal constitutionalism.
A metà del '700 la scena politica internazionale era caratterizzata da almeno tre macroordini regionali, l'Asia orientale, il mondo islamico e la regione europeo-cristiana (Aydın 2019), e da diversi sistemi di rete intercontinentali strettamente interconnessi sul piano diplomatico, commerciale, normativo e conflittuale (Subrahmanyam 2019). Ognuna di queste aree geo-culturali presentava al suo interno diversi regni e imperi in cui l'ordine politico e le relazioni internazionali non erano regolati da princìpi immutabili e fissi, ma si basavano su una certa vivacità degli scambi e delle interazioni. Niente preludeva a quella trasformazione politica del mondo che avrebbe creato, nel giro di un secolo, un nuovo ordine mondiale imperiale eurocentrico altamente integrato, a seguito della spinta determinata dal processo di industrializzazione europeo.
The method followed by Lanternari in the research, published in 1960, is based on the historic method as understood by Benedetto Croce, the philosopher who dominated the Italian cultural scene in the first half of the twentieth century and is opposed to the revival of religious studies, initiated by Raffaele Pettazzoni, which is often associated with the work of Lanternari. The Lanternari approach and the themes of his book Movimenti religiosi libertà e di salvezza were at the center of the national and international debate in the post-war era, and more specifically exchanges on popular cultures and religions (through confrontation with the works of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto De Martino), but also on religion in colonial situation (through the works of Georges Balandier). The article relates the binary interpretive models that characterize this book (oppressor and oppressed, dominant and dominated, colonial and colonized peoples) with the expectations of the political and cultural time of macro-alliances. It concludes with the question of his legacy today in terms of challenges to the history and anthropology of religion.
Ignazio Guidi, Martino Mario Moreno and Enrico Cerulli marked in a permanent way the studies on institutions and languages of the 'Ethiopian' region. As academics they left a unique legacy, still traceable in their publications, and they gave an indelible imprint to the subsequent generations of researchers, until today. As civil servants in different admnistrative offices they contributed to familiarize their country, then still narrow-minded, with the traditional East African cultures. Nevertheless they had to come to terms with the ideological context of the contemporary Euope, marked by racist and colonial ideas, and they took part actively in that political mood. A sincere tribute to their scientific talent cannot be separated from asking ourselves about the reasons and the outcomes of their cultural and political militancy. This paper has been delivered on the occasion of the workshop "Cinque Grandi Italiani tra Africa e Oriente", held at the Circolo del Ministero degli Affari Esteri in Rome, 10 November 2015
In the process of formation of modern Egypt contributions from cultures other than Egyptian were considerable. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries continuous flows of immigrants from Western and Middle-Eastern countries occurred. They were originated by a number of reasons, but all of them shared a common research of a safe place to work and thrive in. The governmental xenophile policies and the favourable economic conditions in the country allowed the setting up of large colonies and the professional integration of foreign specialists in public and private activities pivotal for the development of modern Egypt. The European model dominated in the reforming work started by Muhammad 'Ali, moulding the new ruling classes. At the same time a lively cosmopolitan society grew, leaving its mark in several fields of social, economic and cultural life. This age, long more than one hundred years, ended in a revolution that returned Egypt to the Egyptians, but did not erase its material and ideal legacy. ; 1 ; open ; Non definito ; open ; Avallone, Lucia ; Avallone, Lucia
Since its birth in 1861, the Italian state has administered the foreigners' social and legal status – both in the homeland and the colonies – through administrative orders and acts, mainly expres-sed through circulars, i.e. infra-law acts. It has continued to do so even in its democratic phase. More recently, and due to a general global trend toward the linguistification of politics and law, Twitter or Facebook messages are replacing traditional circulars on migration. Political or state authorities increasingly use social media to issue their orders. Infra-law therefore stands out as a permanent normative paradigm for foreign populations, preventing them from accessing legal subjectivity and consequently producing countless negative effects. This article aims to highlight not only that this unchanging form of foreign population management leads to its perpetual subaltern social and economic condition, but also – in contrast to what Weber claims about the structural link between law and capitalism – that it is crucial to capitalism's development because it can best satisfy its need for predictability and calculability.
La nostra terra promessa is the title of the reportage published by the Sicilian journalist Giuseppe Piazza and released by the monarchical editor Lux in late 1911. The book collects the articles sent by Piazza from Libya to the Roman newspaper La Tribuna during the previous months. In 1912, Piazza also published Come conquistammo Tripoli (Lux, 1912), where he collected his last articles written for La Tribuna from the Libian war front. La nostra terra promessa is a chimeric and grandiloquent description of Libya, aiming to present the conquest of this territory as an indispensable objective for Italy in terms of resources and prestige. In his reportage, Piazza also clearly develops the concept of the colonial war as a powerful way to unify the Italian people and to give a major role to the masses in the political and social life of Italy. Against Piazza's voice, as well as Giuseppe Bevione's and Enrico Corradini's who also collected their articles from Libya into successful instant books, sided democrat politicians and writers such as Gaetano Salvemini and Napoleone Colajanni. The purpose of this essay is to analyze Piazza's reportages with a linguistic and philological perspective and to put them in the historical and journalistic context. ; La nostra terra promessa è il titolo del reportage pubblicato presso l'editore monarchico Lux dal giornalista messinese Giuseppe Piazza nel 1911 ed è il frutto delle corrispondenze inviate dalla Libia al quotidiano La Tribuna nella primavera dello stesso anno. Nel 1912 Piazza pubblicava inoltre Come conquistammo Tripoli (Lux, 1912), ove raccoglieva le nuove corrispondenze al giornale inviate dal fronte di guerra. La nostra terra promessa costituisce una descrizione chimerica e magniloquente della Libia e volta a presentarne la conquista come un obiettivo irrinunciabile in termini di prestigio ed economici. In quelle pagine, inoltre, Piazza sviluppa chiaramente il concetto della guerra coloniale come un potente mezzo di unificazione popolare e di riscatto politico e sociale delle masse italiane. Contro la voce di Piazza, così come di Giuseppe Bevione o di Enrico Corradini che pure avevano tratto dalle loro corrispondenze giornalistiche alcuni fortunati instant books, si schierarono i democratici, tra cui Gaetano Salvemini e il repubblicano Napoleone Colajanni. Scopo del presente intervento è quello di porre al centro di un'analisi retorica e filologica i reportage di Piazza, inserendoli all'interno del loro contesto storico e giornalistico
The songs in memory of Teraupoo and Matahi. The return of the war heroes against the annexation of the Leeward Islands (French Polynesia) Recently, in French Polynesia there has been an unprecedented enhancement of the figures who played a central role in the resistance of the French colonization, started in the second half of the Nineteenth century. This process also takes place through the Mā'ohi groups performances staged in the Heiva of Tahiti and other festivals in the various archipelagos. Reading the texts of traditional songs, called hīmene, performed at the festivals, and adopting them as useful sources for ethnographic analysis, it emerges how often the years of colonialism have been represented recently, whereas before, during the period of "cultural renaissance" of the Seventies and the Eighties, the topic had remained silenced due to its political position. Through the songs staged in 2002 at the Heiva of Tumara'a, the district of Ra'iātea where the last phase of the conflict for the French annexation of the Leeward Islands took place in 1897, I examine these dynamics, dwelling in particular on the return to the memory of the Mā'ohi of Teraupoo, guide of the anti-colonial struggle. The analysis of the lyrics represents one of the keys within which can the ethnographer deepen similar processes and reveal their contemporary effervescence, political implications, and different interpretations. Together with Teraupoo, another largely unknown protagonist, Matahi, is evoked in the staging of the conflict. In addition to the anti-colonial claims, Matahi's "discovery" highlights the multiple interpretations that have crossed colonial history within the Mā'ohi society and that characterize his articulated memories today. ; In Polinesia Francese negli ultimi venti anni si registra una inedita valorizzazione delle figure che hanno giocato un ruolo centrale nella resistenza alla colonizzazione francese della seconda metà dell'Ottocento. Questo processo avviene anche per mezzo delle performance portate in scena dai gruppi mā'ohi che concorrono all'Heiva di Tahiti e dei diversi arcipelaghi. Se si leggono i testi dei canti tradizionali, detti hīmene, eseguiti nei festival e si adottano come fonti utili per l'analisi etnografica, emerge come di recente siano rappresentati sempre più spesso gli anni del colonialismo, rimasti silenziati a causa della loro carica politica anche durante il periodo di "rinascimento culturale" degli anni Settanta e Ottanta. Attraverso i canti portati in scena nel 2002 all'Heiva di Tumara'a, il distretto dell'isola di Ra'iātea dove nel 1897 si svolse l'ultima fase del conflitto per l'annessione francese delle Isole Sottovento, nell'articolo esamino queste dinamiche soffermandomi in particolare sul ritorno nella memoria dei Mā'ohi di Teraupoo, guida della lotta anticoloniale. L'analisi dei testi dei canti rappresenta una delle chiavi di lettura entro cui l'etnografo può approfondire simili processi e rivelarne l'effervescenza contemporanea, le sue implicazioni politiche e le differenti interpretazioni. Teraupoo fu la figura centrale della resistenza degli abitanti dell'isola. Insieme con lui, nella messa in scena del conflitto viene evocato un altro protagonista per lo più sconosciuto, Matahi. Oltre alle rivendicazionianticoloniali, la "scoperta" di Matahi mette in evidenza le molteplici interpretazioni che hanno attraversato la storia coloniale all'interno della società mā'ohi e che caratterizzano oggi le sue articolate memorie.
In Polinesia Francese negli ultimi venti anni si registra una inedita valorizzazione delle figure che hanno giocato un ruolo centrale nella resistenza alla colonizzazione francese della seconda metà dell'Ottocento. Questo processo avviene anche per mezzo delle performance portate in scena dai gruppi mā'ohi che concorrono all'Heiva di Tahiti e dei diversi arcipelaghi. Se si leggono i testi dei canti tradizionali, detti hīmene, eseguiti nei festival e si adottano come fonti utili per l'analisi etnografica, emerge come di recente siano rap- presentati sempre più spesso gli anni del colonialismo, rimasti silenziati a causa della loro carica politica anche durante il periodo di "rinascimento culturale" degli anni Settanta e Ottanta. Attraverso i canti portati in scena nel 2002 all'Heiva di Tumara'a, il distretto dell'isola di Ra'iātea dove nel 1897 si svolse l'ultima fase del conflitto per l'annessione francese delle Isole Sottovento, nell'articolo esamino queste dinamiche soffermandomi in particolare sul ritorno nella memoria dei Mā'ohi di Teraupoo, guida della lotta anticoloniale. L'analisi dei testi dei canti rappresenta una delle chiavi di lettura entro cui l'etnografo può approfondire simili processi e rivelarne l'effervescenza contemporanea, le sue implicazioni politiche e le differenti interpretazioni. Teraupoo fu la figura centrale della resistenza degli abitanti dell'isola. Insieme con lui, nella messa in scena del conflitto viene evocato un altro protagonista per lo più sconosciuto, Matahi. Oltre alle rivendicazioni anticoloniali, la "scoperta" di Matahi mette in evidenza le molteplici interpretazioni che hanno attraversato la storia coloniale all'interno della società mā'ohi e che caratterizzano oggi le sue articolate memorie. ; Recently, in French Polynesia, there has been an unprecedented enhancement of the figures who played a central role in the resistance of the French colonization, started in the second half of the nineteenth century. This process also takes place through the Mā'ohi groups performances staged in the Heiva of Tahiti and other festivals in the various archipelagos. Reading the texts of traditional songs, called hīmene, performed at the festivals, and adopting them as useful sources for ethnographic analysis, it emerges how often the years of colonialism have been represented recently, whereas before, during the period of "cultural renaissance" of the Seventies and the Eighties, the topic had remained silenced due to its political position. Through the songs staged in 2002 at the Heiva of Tumara'a, the district of Ra'iātea where the last phase of the conflict for the French annexation of the Leeward Islands took place in 1897, I examine these dynamics, dwelling in particular on the return to the memory of the Mā'ohi of Teraupoo, guide of the anti-colonial struggle. The analysis of the lyrics represents one of the keys within which can the ethnographer deepen similar processes and reveal their contemporary effervescence, political implications, and different interpretations. Together with Teraupoo, another largely unknown protagonist, Matahi, is evoked in the staging of the conflict. In addition to the anti-colonial claims, Matahi's "discovery" highlights the multiple interpretations that have crossed colonial history within the Mā'ohi society and that characterize his articulated memories today.
This paper means to show how British Colonialism in India was made possible, and then sustained and strengthened, as much by cultural technologies of rule as it was by the more obvious and brutal modes of conquest. In fact colonialism was itself a cultural project of control. Colonial knowledge both enabled conquest and was produced by it. Cultural forms in Indian society were reconstructed and transformed by this knowledge. In the conceptual scheme which the British created to understand and to act in India they reduced vastly complex codes and their associated meanings to a few metonyms. An example of colonial way of organizing and representing Indian social identity is offered by the British construction of Indian Gypsies. This communication is meant to explain first the logic of such an identification and then the new authority and vitality currently attained by this product of Orientalism in Romani political organizations and cultural associations.
Italian scholars and Arabists have only recently started to pay attention towards Libya and this country's rich and fascinating literary production. Libyan writers are, in fact, still unknown to most people in Italy, where merely a few Italian translations of Libyan works and critical essays on Libyan literature have been published until now. Yet, Libya's contemporary literary scene features outstanding figures, such as the eclectic writer 'Ali Mustafà al-Misrati, whose novels, short stories and essays deal with significant historical, political and social themes. Starting from the analysis of one of author's tales focused on the Libyan opposition against Italian colonialism, this article provides some insights on the importance of satire as a tool of political opposition against the colonial regime, both in the colonized country and in the colonized one.
The essay is inspired by the works of Frantz Fanon, Martinican psychiatrist and revolutionary man, prematurely disappeared in 1961, who became, in Italy too, between the years 1968 and 1970, an icon of the youth protest movement, of the anti-racist organizations and of the liberation movements. His short but intense life developed between a theoretic production (on the psychiatry of the colonised subject and on racism) and his personal political commitment for the liberation of colonized countries. He supported, and became its spokesman, the Algerian National Liberation Front during the Algerian War. The recent re-printing of some of his works and the large quantity of foreign articles published have been the occasion to reflect on the matters raised by the psychiatrist on racism, on decolonisation processes and neo-capitalism, on ethnical wars, on violence and divisions which showed, and still show today, a deep malaise of the society regarding the presence of the alterity, the role played by social sciences and, particularly, the anthropological ethnography and its interest/indifference towards violence issues.
This essay analyzes the relationship between the processes of exclusion in the United States of America that motivated the recent massive protests under the banner of Black Lives Matter and the US's international role in maintaining the unipolar social order. Losurdian analyses of colonialism and racial despecification are tied to the formulation produced on race relations and social stratification by the Brazilian sociologists Octavio Ianni and Florestan Fernandes. The study also presents some possible interpretative parallels between class structures and their connections with racism in Brazil and the United States. As we will show, there is a significant approximation between the authors in their approach to the issue of racism. For Ianni, imperialism extends internally to the dominant nation so that the same fundamentals which govern external economic and political relations also manage internal political and economic ties. Therefore, economic-social and political development within the metropolis is also unequal. This process, which he called "internal colonialism", is based on racist conceptions against part of the population, as Togliatti pointed out when he wrote that «the Liberal doctrine is based on a barbaric discrimination between human creatures». According to Losurdo, «beyond the colonies, such discrimination also spreads in the capitalist metropolis itself, as shown by the case of Black Americans, largely deprived of fundamental rights, discriminated against and persecuted» We start from the observation that the difficulties currently experienced by the United States, whose world hegemony is in decline, are also expressed at the national level by the deepening of internal colonialism and the re-emergence of racist movements on the American political scene. Based on this research, we highlight the strength of Losurdo's interpretation concerning the centrality of the fight for recognition as a real and effective manifestation of the class struggle in contemporary times. Racism; Class Struggle; ...
