Prancuziskojo kolonializmo itaka pokolonijinio Dramblio Kaulo Kranto valdanciojo elito transformacijai
In: Politologija, Heft 70, S. 97-123
ISSN: 1392-1681
27 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Politologija, Heft 70, S. 97-123
ISSN: 1392-1681
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
BASE
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
BASE
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
BASE
The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.
BASE
In: Politologija, Band 1(65, S. 3-27
ISSN: 1392-1681
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism as a reflexive exploration of the features of ideological discourses. The article also seeks to offer the new definition of ideology as the most common form of the political. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Post-communism is the hybrid condition of decolonization, modernization and post-modernization. The article insists on the importance of discourses of ideological representations of reality in defining post-communism. The article also argues that the articulation of relationship between post-communism and post-colonialism offers a better understanding of the ambiguous condition of post-communism. Adapted from the source document.
Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.
BASE
Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.
BASE
Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.
BASE
This article aimed to describe the socio-political conditions after the Bongaya Treaty of 1667. This study employed the historical research method (library research). The researcher applied several approaches, namely the historical approach, religious approach, anthropological approach, and sociological approach. The Makassar War is a momentum for change from all aspects, not only changes from the political aspect but also the social, cultural and economic aspects that greatly tormented the people of Gowa. As a King, Sultan Hasanudin was responsible for the fate of the royal people of Gowa, which was getting sad. Sultan Hasanudin had to consider this even though he wanted to continue to fight. Sultan Hasanudin really understood the suffering of the people of the Kingdom of Gowa. Due to these considerations, the war lasted approximately four years, starting from 1666-1669 and ending with the Bungaya Treaty, which consisted of 30 articles. The treaty affected all aspects of Gowa community life, not only in terms of political factors but also the existence of Muslims. Since then, the power and influence of the Netherlands in East Indonesia began to be embedded towards serious colonialism. Sultan Hasanuddin, who dashed to defend his country until the last second has controlled the Kingdom of Gowa for 16 years; namely 1653-1669 and died in Gowa on June 12, 1670.
BASE
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
BASE
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
BASE
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
BASE
The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.
BASE
The object of the master thesis – to representation of the North East India tribes, puting the emphasis on nagas and mizo tribes in colonial period ethnographic photography. By using interdisciplinary methods and an analysis of modern postcolonial discourse, the archive of visual ethnographic material that has been accumulated in colonial period is researched, in which the genesis of the photographs can be seen from exotic interest for a tribe to a mediated selfrepresentation. Through a dichotomic difference of biography and autobiography the intersection of problematic cultural, political and social issues is critically aknowledged, which shows the power of the colonial ethnograpy and the limitations in representing North East Indian identity. The purpose of the thesis – to analyse the archive of the North East Indian visual ethnograpy and to reveal the diversity of motives, which created the social space of the region. That is why at first I will study the theoretical changes of identity creation and representation, I will present a discursive review of the North East Indian region and analyse the archive of the tribes through a classifiction of the photos according to a theme. After the analysis it turned out that the identity is closely related to openness of the tribal society to the outside world: it is a paradox that the tribes of the nagas, being open to the influence of colonialism, became stereotypical natives, while closed tribes of mizo created a modern identity. The thesis reveals the aspect of North East Indian sociocultural space which has been only scarcely researched before. It offers a perspective for further development of the theme in a sociological perspective and can become a strong argument to carry out discursive ethnographic reaseraches in the region.
BASE