Suchergebnisse

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

The article deals with political ideology of the Theosophical Society founded by H elena Petrovna Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, and its contribution to Indian nationalism and Hindu and Buddhist religious revivalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The article aims to reveal how modern theosophy in India became an integral part of a wider movement of neo-Hinduism fighting against Christian missionaries and British colonialism, which helped to provide Indian nationalists with legitimating ideology, new-found confidence, experience of organization, contacts and network, all of which they used for political purposes. Since theosophy both eulogized the ancient faith of India and also interpreted it integrating modern scientific doctrines, such as evolution, it had an obvious appeal to western-educated Indians by helping them to solve an intense problem of cultural dislocation – tension between the religious tradition in which they had been raised and the apparent scientific and ethical rationalism of the West.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

Energy imperialism refers to the use of natural resources for political purposes, i.e. weaponization of energy. At the state level, it means specific institutional structure, as the state building is predetermined by oil led developments. At the international level, it means international nets of energy dependency, centered around the mother state possessing oil, gas and other natural resources. In a paradox way, the so called Western world (Western Europe and North America) becomes increasingly dependent on the former colonies and Russia on energy supply. The paper examines issues of Russian energy imperialism in Central and Eastern Europe.

The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.

The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.

The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.

The main task of this article is the conceptualization of post-communism. The article seeks to challenge the persistence tendency to describe post-communism only as a political and geographical phenomenon. Post-communism is shown to be a complex process that fits uneasily into pre-given categories. Ideology as a complex of theories, convictions, beliefs, argumentative procedures is one of the most important dimensions of post-communism. This article insists on the importance of ideology without falling into the traps of either determinism or historicism. The article challenges the dominant universal discourse of political liberalism, which sees post-communist change as a one-way process of transition to liberal democracy and free market. This universal politics of post-communism produces new hierarchies and forms of exclusion between 'postmodern' West and 'post-communist' East. Thus we need to employ the tools of post-colonialism and postmodernism to explore and deconstruct the operation of the concept of post-communism through language, culture and institutions. The article argues that so called neutral 'post-ideological consensus' is actually ideological and contradictory. Post-communism is not the objective 'transitional' reality, rather it is the subjective (mis)perception of ideological representations. The article also challenges the myths of 'the end of ideology', 'the end of communism' and 'the end of modernity'. Post-communism is not the transitional condition from ideology of communism to 'post-ideological' liberal democracy, but rather the complex, ambivalent and long historical norm, or, in other words, specific type of modernity.

The object of the master thesis – to representation of the North East India tribes, puting the emphasis on nagas and mizo tribes in colonial period ethnographic photography. By using interdisciplinary methods and an analysis of modern postcolonial discourse, the archive of visual ethnographic material that has been accumulated in colonial period is researched, in which the genesis of the photographs can be seen from exotic interest for a tribe to a mediated selfrepresentation. Through a dichotomic difference of biography and autobiography the intersection of problematic cultural, political and social issues is critically aknowledged, which shows the power of the colonial ethnograpy and the limitations in representing North East Indian identity. The purpose of the thesis – to analyse the archive of the North East Indian visual ethnograpy and to reveal the diversity of motives, which created the social space of the region. That is why at first I will study the theoretical changes of identity creation and representation, I will present a discursive review of the North East Indian region and analyse the archive of the tribes through a classifiction of the photos according to a theme. After the analysis it turned out that the identity is closely related to openness of the tribal society to the outside world: it is a paradox that the tribes of the nagas, being open to the influence of colonialism, became stereotypical natives, while closed tribes of mizo created a modern identity. The thesis reveals the aspect of North East Indian sociocultural space which has been only scarcely researched before. It offers a perspective for further development of the theme in a sociological perspective and can become a strong argument to carry out discursive ethnographic reaseraches in the region.

The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]

The object of the master thesis – to representation of the North East India tribes, puting the emphasis on nagas and mizo tribes in colonial period ethnographic photography. By using interdisciplinary methods and an analysis of modern postcolonial discourse, the archive of visual ethnographic material that has been accumulated in colonial period is researched, in which the genesis of the photographs can be seen from exotic interest for a tribe to a mediated selfrepresentation. Through a dichotomic difference of biography and autobiography the intersection of problematic cultural, political and social issues is critically aknowledged, which shows the power of the colonial ethnograpy and the limitations in representing North East Indian identity. The purpose of the thesis – to analyse the archive of the North East Indian visual ethnograpy and to reveal the diversity of motives, which created the social space of the region. That is why at first I will study the theoretical changes of identity creation and representation, I will present a discursive review of the North East Indian region and analyse the archive of the tribes through a classifiction of the photos according to a theme. After the analysis it turned out that the identity is closely related to openness of the tribal society to the outside world: it is a paradox that the tribes of the nagas, being open to the influence of colonialism, became stereotypical natives, while closed tribes of mizo created a modern identity. The thesis reveals the aspect of North East Indian sociocultural space which has been only scarcely researched before. It offers a perspective for further development of the theme in a sociological perspective and can become a strong argument to carry out discursive ethnographic reaseraches in the region.

The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]