Suchergebnisse

34 pp. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Summ. fre. ; 34 s. ; 24 cm ; Odb. z: Sprawy Morskie i Kolonialne, 1938, z. 4 ; Streszcz. fr.

Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen. ; The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars.

The problem of borders in Africa is not related to the false fact that they are 'artificial' or 'young', for in their majority they are older than those of European countries, but to the fact that they were created by Europeans and even today the process of their delimitation, and especially demarcation, has not been completed. Their permanence is confirmed by the accepted principle uti possidetis, emphasised many times in the judgments of the International Court of Justice in Hague and resolutions of the United Nations. Treating borders differently in Africa can lead to territorial revisionism and conflicts, ending even in wars. ; Problem granic w Afryce nie wiąże się z nieprawdziwym faktem, iż są one "sztuczne" czy "młode" – jako że są w większości starsze niż granice państw europejskich – ale z tym, iż stanowiły dzieło Europejczyków i że nawet do tej pory nie został jeszcze zakończony proces ich delimitacji, a szczególnie demarkacji. O ich trwałości z kolei świadczy zaakceptowana zasada uti possidetis, podkreślana wielokrotnie w wyrokach Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości i w rezolucjach ONZ. Inne natomiast traktowanie granic w Afryce może prowadzić do rewizjonizmu terytorialnego i konfliktów, a nawet wojen.

China In Africa – An Opportunity Or Neo-Colonialism In The Xxi Century? Selected Aspects Of The Chinese Presence On The ContinentChina's policy towards African countries undergone a significant transformation since the 50's of the XX century, and changed dramatically in the last decade, given the scale of the Middle Kingdom economic engagement on the continent. Africa is nowadays an important source of natural resources and huge market for Chinese products. The same time for non democratic regimes, China eases tensions in the Africa-USA and Africa-EU relations. Chinese aid and investments, are well recognized in Africa, as they are unconditionally realized. Although both parties derive commercial and political benefits from cooperation, Chinese policy is characterized by pragmatism and willingness to achieve their own objectives. If Chinese interests increasingly depend on local leaders' policy, will it be possible to maintain in future decades "non-interference" ability towards African's internal affairs? To which extend Chinese presence benefits in building of political, economic and social governance in Africa, and how far it is a scenario of taking advantage in a "neo-colonial" style?

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.

This article aimed to describe the socio-political conditions after the Bongaya Treaty of 1667. This study employed the historical research method (library research). The researcher applied several approaches, namely the historical approach, religious approach, anthropological approach, and sociological approach. The Makassar War is a momentum for change from all aspects, not only changes from the political aspect but also the social, cultural and economic aspects that greatly tormented the people of Gowa. As a King, Sultan Hasanudin was responsible for the fate of the royal people of Gowa, which was getting sad. Sultan Hasanudin had to consider this even though he wanted to continue to fight. Sultan Hasanudin really understood the suffering of the people of the Kingdom of Gowa. Due to these considerations, the war lasted approximately four years, starting from 1666-1669 and ending with the Bungaya Treaty, which consisted of 30 articles. The treaty affected all aspects of Gowa community life, not only in terms of political factors but also the existence of Muslims. Since then, the power and influence of the Netherlands in East Indonesia began to be embedded towards serious colonialism. Sultan Hasanuddin, who dashed to defend his country until the last second has controlled the Kingdom of Gowa for 16 years; namely 1653-1669 and died in Gowa on June 12, 1670.

For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...

For about two years, the language of the new authorities has been constituting in Poland, made up by the comments of Jarosław Kaczyński, Chairman of the Law and Justice (PiS) party, and enunciations of the most important state officials and experts loyal to the ruling party, members of parliament, senators, Catholic church authorities and journalists who support the idea of the so-called "Good Change." Many important, sometimes controversial words spoken by the representatives of the ruling camp appeal or directly concern democracy, its principles of operation or legitimacy. Due to the specificity, repetitive nature and regularity of these statements, one may speak of the formation of a "PiS-style democracy" discourse. The main rules of its formation are imposed by the chairman and ideologist of the ruling party and its programming documents. The presented article is therefore based primarily on statements made by the Chairman of Law and Justice and on the party's official programme. The starting point is the hypothesis that the PiS-style democracy discourse and discourse formations in the Fourth Republic of Poland analysed in the article do not only recall or paraphrase slogans dating back to the Polish People's Republic, but they also use cognitive categories, thought patterns and reasoning in line with the discourses imposed on Poles by the Soviets in the PPR era. The analysis shows that the discourses of the new authorities, in particular the PiS-style democracy discourse, emerge according to the rules of the discourses of Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as the democratic dictatorship of the PPR, imposed on Poles by the Soviet Union after World War II. Similarly, statements made by the representatives of the ruling camp concerning the development patterns of the economy and political practices, emerged under the influence of the rules of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and the discourses of democracy in the Polish People's Republic. The PiS-style democracy discourse evokes their key ideologemes ...