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Introduction.--Aperçu geÌneÌral de la colonisation contemporaine.--Les causes du colonialisme.--Guerres et reÌvoltes.--Le couÌ't des colonies.--La condition des indigeÌ€nes.--Le commerce coloniale.--Le colonialisme et le militarisme.--Le colonialisme et la reÌvolution mondiale. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The political connotations of the works of Édouard Manet (1832-1883) are a subject of controversy. In a 1969 article, Michael Fried suggested the influence of historian Jules Michelet (1798-1874) in the art of Manet, but his interpretation was vehemently rejected by some. In this article, from other sources, the author demonstrates that there were indeed close links between Manet and Michelet, confirming Fried's hypothesis. Manet's historical and political conscience must be considered in his paintings, particularly in his knowledge of the evils of colonialism. ; Les connotations politiques des œuvres d'Édouard Manet (1832-1883) sont un sujet de controverse. Dans un article de 1969, Michael Fried a suggéré l'influence de l'historien Jules Michelet (1798-1874) dans l'art de Manet, mais son interprétation a été violemment rejetée par certains. Dans cet article, à partir d'autres sources, l'auteur démontre qu'il y avait effectivement des liens étroits entre Manet et Michelet, confirmant l'hypothèse de Fried. La conscience historique et politique de Manet doit être prise en compte dans ses tableaux, en particulier dans sa connaissance des méfaits du colonialisme. ; Les connotations politiques des œuvres d'Édouard Manet (1832-1883) sont un sujet de controverse. Dans un article de 1969, Michael Fried a suggéré l'influence de l'historien Jules Michelet (1798-1874) dans l'art de Manet, mais son interprétation a été violemment rejetée par certains. Dans cet article, à partir d'autres sources, l'auteur démontre qu'il y avait effectivement des liens étroits entre Manet et Michelet, confirmant l'hypothèse de Fried. La conscience historique et politique de Manet doit être prise en compte dans ses tableaux, en particulier dans sa connaissance des méfaits du colonialisme. ; Les connotations politiques des œuvres d'Édouard Manet (1832-1883) sont un sujet de controverse. Dans un article de 1969, Michael Fried a suggéré l'influence de l'historien Jules Michelet (1798-1874) dans l'art de Manet, mais son interprétation a été violemment rejetée par certains. Dans cet article, à partir d'autres sources, l'auteur démontre qu'il y avait effectivement des liens étroits entre Manet et Michelet, confirmant l'hypothèse de Fried. La conscience historique et politique de Manet doit être prise en compte dans ses tableaux, en particulier dans sa connaissance des méfaits du colonialisme.

Historically, colonial domination has involved subjecting innocent populations to atrocities such as murder, torture, and exploitation. But pointing at these wrongs is not enough to explain the distinctive way in which colonialism is wrong. After all, murder, torture and exploitation are wrong whether or not they occur in the context of colonial occupation. If all we can do to explain the nature of colonialism is point at the fact that it typically involves the perpetration of these crimes, we cannot vindicate the thought that there is something distinctively wrong with it. And yet, intuitively the victims of colonial domination have suffered a distinctive wrong over and above those associated with these crimes. How should we understand the nature of this wrong? I answer this question by arguing that that colonial domination undermines the capacity of political communities to exercise their self-determining agency in a particular way.

Ce volume reflète l'extraordinaire essor pris ces dernières années par l'histoire des femmes en situation coloniale. Onze contributions, concernant des territoires coloniaux divers, portant sur les XIXe et XXe siècles, abordent, à travers des aspects historiques, littéraires, sociologiques ou politiques, des questions fondamentales pour cerner « le sexe » de la colonisation et de la décolonisation. Elles nous montrent combien, dans les deux processus, les rapports de genre, de classe et de race s'imbriquent dans les discours et dans les faits. La richesse des approches et des problématiques démontre, s'il le fallait, la pertinence de l'outil « genre » dans l'analyse des impérialismes.

A growing body of literature has argued for the reconceptualization of Latin America as a settler colony. Contrary to the self-proclaimed decolonization of Latin American states upon their independence two centuries ago, the settlers who came to Latin America stayed and preserved the structure of settler colonialism to the present day. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua through the conceptual frame of settler colonialism and examines an apt case study: the Indigenous and Afrodescendant communities of the Rama-Kriol Territory in southeastern Nicaragua, where I have conducted activist ethnographic research since 2014. The ongoing colonization of the Rama-Kriol Territory exhibits not only failures of the state to enforce legal protections of multicultural rights, but also the extension of a colonial logic of dispossession and elimination. The case of the Rama-Kriol Territory demonstrates the entanglements of Nicaraguan settler colonialism with international institutions, development banks, multinational corporations, and settler colonial projects around the world. I conclude that social science researchers should attend to continuing and emergent forms of Indigenous sovereignty in Nicaragua. Amid the fading backdrop of liberal multiculturalism in Latin America, these assertions of sovereignty pose a political horizon of decolonization and an end to settler violence, dispossession, and domination.

Kant is widely regarded as a fierce critic of colonialism. In Toward Perpetual Peace and the Metaphysics of Morals, for example, he forcefully condemns European conduct in the colonies as a flagrant violation of the principles of right. His earlier views on colonialism have not yet received much detailed scrutiny, however. In this essay I argue that Kant actually endorsed and justified European colonialism until the early 1790s. I show that Kant's initial endorsement and his subsequent criticism of colonialism are closely related to his changing views on race, because his endorsement of a racial hierarchy plays a crucial role in his justification of European colonialism. He gave up both in the mid 1790s while he was developing his legal and political philosophy, and he adopted a more egalitarian version of the cosmopolitan relationship among peoples.

[ES] En este capítulo se examinan las relaciones entre arqueología europea y discurso y práctica colonial, tanto durante la época del colonialismo moderno como en el actual período poscolonial. ; [EN] In this chapter, the relationships between European archaeology and colonial discourse and practice are examined, both during the period of modern colonialism and in the present post-colonial era.

Irish journalism developed during the 19th century at a time of tremendous change. While journalists were involved in the debates about nationalism, both as commentators and in many cases activists, they also developed a journalism practice that corresponded to the professional norms of journalists in Britain and the United States. It would appear that the middle-class nature of Irish journalists meant there was a dual pressure towards professionalising journalism and fighting for legislative independence. Both factors came together in the development of a public sphere, where professional journalists were involved in creating public opinion.

My paper evaluates the United States settler colonial framework in relation to Han Taiwanese citizenship, independence, and rights to the island now called Taiwan. I use parallels from the Japanese American occupation of Hawai'i to investigate how white settler colonial logics, such as multiculturalism and the settler-colonial Unconscious, are instilled in East Asian settlers through the promise of democratic rights and sovereignty. Settlers of color, therefore, complicate the binary between the "colonizer" and "colonized" as demonstrated through the simultaneous oppression of people of color by the white settler state and the oppression of Indigenous peoples by settlers of color. With this, I reflect on the following questions: What does it mean to claim independence on land that is stolen Indigenous land, and how is this narrative further complicated when these settlers are people of color? Similar settler colonial tactics and commitments to capitalism are utilized by both the U.S. and Taiwan; therefore, it is imperative for Taiwanese and Taiwanese American people to recognize this and reject the white settler colonial framework to truly be in solidarity with Indigenous peoples.

Vogl's new book relates finance to the internet industry and economics to politics. Introducing questions of colonial history and racism would further sharpen his view of the drivers and dynamics of contemporary capitalism.

In 1876, the Kaitakushi, the Japanese government agency responsible for the settlement of the northern island of Hokkaido, hired three Americans from Massachusetts Agricultural College: William Smith Clark, William Wheeler and David Pearce Penhallow. Their task was to establish a comparable institution in Hokkaido, Sapporo Agricultural College, that would spread American-style scientific agriculture among new settlers. Although recent historical research has highlighted the colonial nature of the modern settlement of Hokkaido and other American advisors' role in transmitting modern technologies of settler colonialism, the tenure of these three professors has never been examined from a postcolonial perspective. This article will investigate the writings of engineer William Wheeler, who served as president of the new college for several years and advised the Kaitakushi on numerous infrastructure projects, to look for clues about his attitudes towards and role in Japanese settler colonialism in Hokkaido. Textual evidence reveals Wheeler's awareness of and complicity in this undertaking.

This study is to be considered from a sociolinguistic view. It aims at highlighting the pathologlossical nature of the ties of some creole speakers with their mother tongue. This process pays special regard to the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands during the colonial period so as to demonstrate the roots of French-based creoles. However it shows the utmost importance to the former colony of Reunion (located in the Indian Ocean and institutionally French).It also deals with the ancient American colonies (Dominica, Haiti, St Lucia) and those of the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, the Seychelles) which escape the French linguistic planification. It tries to establish possible links between the speakers relations to their native language and the servile conditions which gave birth to their language.Such a study grants special treatment to the linguistic planification. It focuses on the intrusion of politics in the various uses of languages on the pathologlossical impacts of a conditioning that attaches little importance to human beings.It offers a humanistic approach in defining a linguistic policy in order to reduce the gap among other things as regards school or social loss. ; Cette étude se place dans une perspective sociolinguistique. Elle souhaite mettre en exergue le caractère pathoglossique des rapports de certains créolophones à leur langue maternelle. Cette démarche accorde une attention particulière aux populations en présence pendant la période coloniale française dans les Caraïbes, dans le dessein de démontrer les conditions de la naissance des créoles à base française. Cependant, elle s'intéresse dans une mesure non moindre à l'ex-colonie de la Réunion (située dans l'Océan indien et française institutionnellement) ainsi qu'aux ex-colonies d'Amérique (Dominique, Haïti, Sainte-Lucie) et d'Océan indien (Maurice, Seychelles) qui échappent à la politique de planification linguistique de la France.Elle essaye d'établir les liens possibles entre les rapports des locuteurs à leur langue maternelle et les conditions serviles qui ont donné naissance à cette langue.Cette étude accorde un traitement hors du commun à la planification linguistique. Elle met l'accent sur l'intervention de la Politique dans les différents domaines d'emploi des langues et les impacts pathoglossiques d'un conditionnement qui accorde à l'humain une place insignifiante.Elle propose une approche humaniste dans la définition de la politique linguistique afin de réduire le fossé, entre autres, en matière de déperdition scolaire et sociale.

This study is to be considered from a sociolinguistic view. It aims at highlighting the pathologlossical nature of the ties of some creole speakers with their mother tongue. This process pays special regard to the inhabitants of the Caribbean islands during the colonial period so as to demonstrate the roots of French-based creoles. However it shows the utmost importance to the former colony of Reunion (located in the Indian Ocean and institutionally French).It also deals with the ancient American colonies (Dominica, Haiti, St Lucia) and those of the Indian Ocean (Mauritius, the Seychelles) which escape the French linguistic planification. It tries to establish possible links between the speakers relations to their native language and the servile conditions which gave birth to their language.Such a study grants special treatment to the linguistic planification. It focuses on the intrusion of politics in the various uses of languages on the pathologlossical impacts of a conditioning that attaches little importance to human beings.It offers a humanistic approach in defining a linguistic policy in order to reduce the gap among other things as regards school or social loss. ; Cette étude se place dans une perspective sociolinguistique. Elle souhaite mettre en exergue le caractère pathoglossique des rapports de certains créolophones à leur langue maternelle. Cette démarche accorde une attention particulière aux populations en présence pendant la période coloniale française dans les Caraïbes, dans le dessein de démontrer les conditions de la naissance des créoles à base française. Cependant, elle s'intéresse dans une mesure non moindre à l'ex-colonie de la Réunion (située dans l'Océan indien et française institutionnellement) ainsi qu'aux ex-colonies d'Amérique (Dominique, Haïti, Sainte-Lucie) et d'Océan indien (Maurice, Seychelles) qui échappent à la politique de planification linguistique de la France.Elle essaye d'établir les liens possibles entre les rapports des locuteurs à leur langue maternelle et les conditions ...

Colonialism is one of the most emotion­ ally charged concepts in contemporary language. It is perceived in radically different ways by the colonizers and the colonized. Francisco de Gomara (1552), Adam Smith (1776) and Karl Marx (1848) described the discovery of the Americas and the sea route to India as the two most important events recorded in the history of humankind.1 Four hundred years later, K. M. Panikkar in his famous book Asia and Western Dominance characterized the 'Vasco da Gama era' as the beginning of the political domination of Asia by Europe.2 In 1992, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the "discovery" of America by Columbus, there was large scale condemnation of it as an invasion, colonization, legalised occupation, genocide, economic exploitation, eco­ logical destruction, institutional racism and moral decadence.3 On the same tone ran the voices of protest this year, on the occasion of the 500th anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India. The Government of India announced that no official commemoration of the event would take place, and social activists planned protest actions against the event which they saw as the beginning of the colonization of the country.4 There are others, however, who warn against historical amnesia and want us to look at history more realistically. According to the famous ecclesiastical historian A. M. Mundadan, to picture the arrival of Vasco da Gama only as a black memory will be historically unjustifiable.

International audience ; Exile and colonialism play an essential part in Jamaica Kincaid's novels. This antagonism is best expressed in Kincaid's early fiction through conflictual mother-daughter relationships. My paper aims to show that such aspects are connected facets of the identity nexus which informs the body politics of contemporary female Caribbean writers. ; L'exil et le colonialisme jouent un rôle essentiel dans les romans de Jamaica Kincaid. Cet antagonisme trouve sa meilleure expression dans les premiers écrits fictionnels de Kincaid à travers des relations conflictuelle entre mère et fille. La présente étude vise à montrer que de tels aspects représentent des facettes interdépendantes du problème identitaire qui marque de son empreinte la questionnement sur le corps chez les écrivains féminins contemporains de la Caraïbe.