Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Our article analyses the mode of assistance to the blind in Algeria from the beginning of the 20th century until the Declaration of Independence of the country (1962). If Muslim blinds face discriminatory practices, all the blind-French citizens and subjects-are victims of unequal treatment because they are not entitled to the social measures granted to the blind in metropolitan France. Nevertheless, during the first decades of the 20th century many actors travel between metropolitan France and the Algerian colony and introduce on the Algerian territory innovating practices developed in France (Braille schools for the blind, eye clinics, promotion of manual work). They thus disrupt traditional practices of assistance to the blind, which are intrinsically related to Islam. Moreover, we want to underline the agency of the blind in the context of colonial Algeria, since blind association leaders take part in the colonial policy making of assistance to the blind. From the 1930's, they start to claim the equality of rights of the blind of Algeria with those of metropolitan France. This research allows to reflect on the construction of the citizenship of the blind in a colonial context. ; Notre article analyse le régime de prise en charge des aveugles en Algérie, du début du XX e siècle jusqu'à la déclaration d'indépendance du pays (1962). Si les aveugles musulmans sont l'objet de pratiques discriminatoires, tous les aveugles-citoyens et sujets français-sont victimes d'un traitement inégalitaire car ils ne bénéficient pas des mesures de protection sociale accordées aux aveugles de la métropole. Néanmoins, de nombreux acteurs circulent entre la métropole et la colonie algérienne dès les premières décennies du XX e siècle, et insèrent sur le territoire algérien des pratiques innovantes développées dans la métropole (écoles spécialisées d'enseignement du Braille, dispensaire ophtalmologique, promotion des activités professionnelles manuelles). Ils bouleversent ainsi des pratiques traditionnelles d'assistance aux aveugles, dont certaines sont intrinséquement liées à l'Islam. De plus, nous tenons à souligner la capacité d'action autonome des aveugles dans le contexte de l'Algérie colonisée, puisque les dirigeants associatifs aveugles participent largement à la construction de la politique coloniale d'assistance aux aveugles. Dès les années 1930, des revendications émergent en faveur de l'égalité des droits des aveugles d'Algérie avec ceux de la métropole française. Cette recherche permet de réfléchir à la construction de la citoyenneté des aveugles dans un contexte colonial.

Includes index. ; Revision of the author's thesis (Ph.D.--Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1978) with the title: Operation of multinational corporations in India. ; Bibliography: p. 308-330. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Upon entering the St. George's Bay and Port au Port Bay area, one is likely to encounter evidence of Aboriginality. Aboriginal culture is something that is embraced and celebrated in many areas of Newfoundland, particularly on the West Coast. Through the forces of confederation, colonialism, and post colonialism, forceful assimilation threatened to eradicate the Mi'kmaw cultural life from the island. As an historical analysis of the St. George's Bay and Port au Port Bay Mi'kmaw populations, with reference to the theoretical frameworks of John H. Bodley and Richard R. Wilk, this research aims to show hegemonic forces, such as the British, American, Canadian and Newfoundland governments, directly contributed to the physical displacement of Aboriginal peoples which actively disadvantaged the Mi'kmaq people by further removing them from their identity.

Inspired by Indigenous water and land protectors in Standing Rock (ND) and Muskrat Falls (NL), as well as her new identity as soon-to-be 'parent', the editor suggests that issues of activism and identity are intertwined in the ways in which the political and academic lives of new scholars are developed during their training in Canadian post-secondary institutions. The editor also presents an overview of the five articles in this Fall issue related to issues of identity and rethinking educational theories in a variety of Canadian educational spaces, including: post-secondary vocational education (Gustafson), physical education programs and models-based practices (Baker), exploring feminisms in educational contexts (Syme Anderson), exploring academic discourse socialization in post-secondary institutions (Vasilopoulos), and a reflection on theories surrounding adolescent motivation in Quebec's educational context (Gaudreau).

The 300th anniversary of William Shakespeare's death in 1916 coincided with an unprecedented political crisis across the globe. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 brought to the fore the ambitions of the established and would-be colonial powers, conflicts between and within existing nation states, and disenfranchised groups' aspirations for self-determination. Recent scholarship has demonstrated how the 1916 Shakespearean commemorations in countries such as Britain, Germany, Ireland, and the USA registered these political upheavals. However, research into the Shakespeare Tercentenary has so far neglected Egypt's complex response to the occasion. Amidst developing political tensions, which were to culminate in the Revolution of 1919, Egyptian intellectuals nevertheless chose to commemorate Shakespeare's Tercentenary. These commemorations, however, were marked by ambivalence: while expressing admiration for Shakespeare, Egyptian commentators questioned the appropriateness of celebrating an English writer instead of promoting Egypt's, and the Arabs', own national literature. This chapter examines the manifestations of these conflicting feelings, ranging from the heated press debates surrounding the occasion, through Cairo University's celebrations, to tributes published by individual intellectuals, such as Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid and Mohammed Hafiz Ibrahim. In doing so, the chapter explores the ambiguities created by celebrating a cultural anniversary at a historical moment fraught with acute colonial tensions.

While the British Empire is long gone, it survives as a recurring flashpoint in heated debates about the present and future of Britain and the nations over which Britain once ruled. Embers of Empire in Brexit Britain turns a critical eye to the widely-held notion that the long shadow of the imperial past has much to answer for, and asks to what extent should the residual after-effects of Britain's colonial empire be taken at face value? From the 'Rhodes must fall' controversy and contested anniversaries to immigration scares and the question of what Britishness is in a post-imperial world, an eclectic mix of expert researchers, writers and commentators consider the legacy of the British empire in the battle over Brexit. As the United Kingdom haggles its way out of the European Union and casts about for an alternative future, this volume shows how the memory of the empire is still as potent a political force as ever.

A proposed broader or Indigenized social determinants of health framework includes "colonialism" along with other global processes. What does it mean to understand Canadian colonialism as a distal determinant of Indigenous health? This paper reviews pertinent discourses surrounding Indigenous mental health in Canada. With an emphasis on the notion of intergenerational trauma, there are real health effects of social, political, and economic marginalization embodied within individuals, which can collectively affect entire communities. Colonialism can also be enacted and reinforced within Indigenous mental health discourse, thus influencing scholarly and popular perceptions. Addressing this distal determinant through policy work necessitates that improving Indigenous health is inherently related to improving these relationships, i.e. eliminating colonial relations, and increasing self-determination.

A commonly accepted premise among Canadians is that the Canadian nation evolved from a state of colonialism. It is not noted that this evolution has been retarded in the case of Canada's Indian Peoples. The words imperialism, colonialism, under-development, and modernization are often utilized, but very seldom are these terms applied to indigenous peoples within North America. The wealth of material by Canadians and Americans regarding overseas areas and the scarcity of similar analyses within borders of those countries seem very suggestive. Foreign areas would seem easy targets for comfortable analysis; too many twinges of conscience might result from internal analysis. The purpose of this study is to examine the situation of the Indian Peoples of Canada to determine whether they exist in a state of colonialism and, if so, to ascertain the role of education in maintaining this state. If findings allow, recommendations will be made regarding the direction of education that would counter this trend. This is a crucial area of study as the Indian Peoples form a substantial part of the Canadian population; a substantial part that has multiplied eight times in the space of seventy-five years and a part that continues to expand at a growth rate double the national average. Monetary and population pressures have forced government cutbacks in programs on reserves, forced increased migration to urban centres and forced more confrontations between the dominant society and the Indian Peoples. Unfortunately, the problem seems to be exacerbating and the confrontations destined to become more frequent and violent. Education is seen by Third World countries as an investment and an answer to development problems - is this a valid assessment? Regarding Canada's Indian Peoples, can and/or is education helping or hindering development? Or, is education simply a reinforcing mechanism for colonialism? Is education an answer, or part of the problem? Does the process of colonialism establish a mind-set that makes escape impossible? ...

Despite colonialism becoming less prominent across the world, the remnants still impact colonized populations. Guam, a territory of the United States, remains a colonized nation and colonialism continues to impact the native Chamorro people along with those who call the island home. The islanders have been subjected to unjust treatment including confiscation of land without reparations for military installations and holding US citizenship without having the right to vote. Even with these injustices, many Americans do not know that the island is a territory of the United States, let alone, know of its existence. This marginalization of the island has allowed the United States to maintain its colonial power and continue to make decisions without the consent of the islanders. Therefore, a discussion of the injustices faced by this population is essential to help achieve fair treatment for these United States Citizens.

The settler colonial perspective has until recently gained modest attention from scholars analysing the relations between the Swedish state and the Indigenous Sámi people throughout history. This article explores the dynamics of settler colonialism in the Swedish state's relation to the Sámi people through the expansion of hydropower. I argue that the hydropower invasion beginning in the 1910s reinforced Swedish settler colonialism, ultimately shown in the hydropower company town of Porjus. This industrial colonialism in Swedish hydropower politics and practice with following consequences continues the settler colonial policy from the passing of the 'Lappmarks Placat' in 1673 when agrarian settlers of various origins were encouraged to take up farmstead settlements and populate areas perceived as uninhabited. During the nineteenth century several policies and administrative practices made invisible and devastated Sámi self-determination and land rights. When Sámi land rights had been devalued and westernised, the time was ripe for a new colonial policy, a policy promoting industrial extraction of hydroelectricity from the rivers of Sápmi – the traditional country of the Sámi people, situated in the northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Russian Kola Peninsula.

The distinction between the East and the West points to a geographical aspect; however, that distinction is mostly constituted from a conceptional ground that brings those boundaries to a mental dimension; and to create such mental boundaries, the term, Orientalism, has the greater role to play compared to its counterparts. Orientalism is academically defined as the collective imagination of the West about the East or the field of study in which the East is conceptually scrutinized by the Western circles. Those circles of the West have the tendency to mythologize or marginalize the entities that are outside of its perimeter. Therefore, Orientalism also can be called an effort to structure the East, according to the Western academic, political, sociological, and artistic frameworks. It is also known that this mindset, which has dominated the concept of Orientalism since the last quarter of the 20th century, and whose arms mainly correlate with colonialism, is a subject that is frequently debated in the academic and fine arts communities. Those debates, which have been especially intensified by the writings of Edward Said, continue within the scope of post-colonial theories and the independence movements of the once-colonized nations. Post-colonialism, which connotes an alternative to the exploitation of colonized people and their lands, has emerged as a theory that criticizes and problematizes the concept of colonialism. Moreover, within the concept of post-colonialism, the terms such as multiculturalism, intercultural dialogue, identity, and the other, have found a reception in the post-modern community, and those terms presented as an alternative against the ones once related to the world of colonialism. However, over time those approaches, which emphasize the meaning of ethnic origins and such, have started to be formulated—with the emphasis on terms like exotic and authenticity—by the Eurocentric perspective to transform them into a commodity of the culture industry of the West. Moreover, Post- colonialism, which also corresponds with the paradigms of contemporary art, has started to locate itself around the borders of Orientalism, and therefore, basic criticisms are formed against the identity that orientalizes the self, also known as self-orientalism. This study thus aims to emphasize the meanings of the concepts such as the idea of east and west, post-colonialism versus colonialism, and the context of orientalism. To do such emphasis—within the framework of document analysis—the equivalent of postcolonial theories in the field of contemporary art has been examined theoretically. The productions of non-Western artists within the scope of the subject are examined, and determinations are made through the focus on the criticisms brought about in response to the subjects such as post-colonialism on contemporary art. Therefore, it is aimed that this article will present an alternative perspective to the related academic discussions and contribute another consciousness to the postmodern literature.

Creating Central Sulawesi: Mission Intervention, Colonialism and 'Multiculturality'Central Sulawesi provides an example of how, under colonialism, non-state bodies contributed to the creation of new political identities in the Indonesian archipelago, and how the modern Indonesian state came to be based on these. Arguably, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the region was poised to be incorporated into the structure of one or other of the existing powerful Central and Southern Sulawesi political entities. As such, as just another 'region' in the sprawling archipelagic colony subjected to standard colonial policy, it should have been readily incorporated into the Indonesian state, albeit through the 'Sulawesi Permesta'. Instead, in seeking to establish what one writer has described as a 'volkskerk' [people's church], the 'Poso mission' established with colonial support by the Nederlandsche Zendinggenootschap [Netherlands Missionary Society] in 1892, was instrumental in defining new religious, cultural and linguistic boundaries. These acted to effectively isolate the Pamona people from adjacent Christian communities established by other missionary endeavours; from their Islamic neighbours and, arguably, from the 'nation'. As elsewhere in the archipelago, the subsequent process of this region's reintegration has formed part of the difficult postcolonial legacy inherited by the Indonesian nation.

International audience ; In recent years, two important books have focused on the violence of the French conquest and colonization of Algeria, beginning in 1830. Le Cour Grandmaison's Coloniser, Exterminer emphasizes the role colonies such as Algeria played in the development of military forms of violence later imported to Europe, while Brower gives a fine description of the violent means used by the French army to control the Algerian desert after the conquest. In doing so, both authors go beyond the well-known episodes of Algerian armed resistance--notably the armed resistance of Amir Abd-al-Qadir in the 1830s and '40s, and the War for Independence (1954-1962)--to re-emphasize the duration and intensity of violence in the resistance against French colonial occupation of Algeria. However, such discourse leaves little, if any, narrative space for uncovering the existence and discussing the role of other, nonviolent, forms of struggle developed by Algerians against the French colonial occupation.

Today's European Union was founded in a 1950s marked by its member states' involvement in numerous colonial conflicts and with the colonial question firmly entrenched on the European and international agenda. This notwithstanding, there is hardly any scholarly investigations to date that have examined colonialism's bearing on the historical project and process of European integration. In tackling this puzzle, the present article proceeds in two steps. First, it corroborates the claim that European integration not only is related to the history of colonialism but to no little extent determined by it. Second, it introduces a set of factors that explain why the relation between the EU and colonialism has been systematically neglected. Here the article seeks to identify the operations of a colonial epistemology that has facilitated a misrecognition of what postwar European integration was about. As the article argues, this epistemology has enabled colonialism's historical relation to the European integration project to remain undetected and has thus also reproduced within the present EU precisely those colonial or neo-colonial preconceptions that the European partner states, in official discourse and policy, falsely claim that they have abandoned.

India was under direct British administrative control for almost a century, with independence from Britain not gained until relatively recently, in August 1947. British imperialism had a number of significant impacts on the region – many of which had lasting legacies on the country's economic and social positions. While some of these impacts were positive for India, many resulted from British imperial interests being prioritized over domestic interests, which led to an uneven pattern of development and weak central government. This note canvasses some of the commonly explored legacies of British colonialism in India, and concludes that a century of foreign control may have done more harm than good for the country's development.