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Digitalization opens up new opportunities in the collection, analysis, and presentation of data which can contribute to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In particular, the access to and control of environmental and geospatial data is fundamental to identify and understand global issues and trends. Also immediate crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic demonstrate the importance of accurate health data such as infection statistics and the relevance of digital tools like video conferencing platforms. However, today much of the data is collected and processed by private actors. Thus, governments and researchers depend on data platforms and proprietary systems of big tech companies such as Google or Microsoft. The market capitalization of the seven largest US and Chinese big tech companies has grown to 8.7tn USD in recent years, about twice the size of Germany's gross domestic product (GDP). Therefore, their market power is enormous, allowing them to dictate many rules of the digital space and even interfere with legislations. Based on a literature review and nine expert interviews this study presents a framework that identifies the risks and consequences along the workflow of collecting, processing, storing, using of data. It also includes solutions that governmental and multilateral actors can strive for to alleviate the risks. Fundamental to this framework is the novel concept of "data colonialism" which describes today's trend of private companies appropriating the digital sphere. Historically, colonial nations used to grab indigenous land and exploit the cheap labor of slave workers. In a similar way, today's big tech corporations use cheap data of their users to produce valuable services and thus create enormous market power. The major dilemma is that many of the technically sophisticated services offered by big tech companies are very cheap or even seemingly free. Through their huge hyperscale data centers and with their highly skilled workforce, they are able to provide high-end information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure as well as advanced user-friendly computing services at a very low or no price. However, not only the big tech corporations, also smaller but focused software vendors create dependence of governmental actors and thus increase the growing asymmetry of knowledge and digital skills between the private and the public sector. The interviews in this report show that Western countries and also developing countries today depend heavily on digital products and services from large and medium-sized IT enterprises, mostly located in the US and China. The powerful position of such companies leads to a weak negotiating position of public actors and thus often to an uncritical use of convenient digital services without further reflection on the long-term consequences. The situation resembles a seemingly relaxed existence inside a gilded cage controlled by powerful tech corporations. This report summarizes historical as well as current academic and practitioner-oriented literature regarding the problem of data colonialism and the loss of digital sovereignty. The analysis of nine expert interviews from Swiss government, UN organizations, NGOs and academics draws a comprehensive picture of key issues facing society in the digital space today and in future. Besides elaborating the problem of IT provider dependence and illustrating current cases of data colonialism, this report also highlights solutions regarding data sovereignty and draws a path towards digital sustainability of the future virtual space. Several examples in the interviews show how governmental actors and academics are able to regain control of their data and infrastructure when they invest into government controlled data analytics platforms, and build up common standards, data repositories, software and computing sites. One key element is supporting and relying on collaborative digital platforms such as the openly licensed, crowd-sourced global geographical information data community OpenStreetMap or the governmental and scientific driven environmental monitoring infrastructure Swiss Data Cube. Therefore, the authors of this report recommend that professional IT users like governmental bodies and researchers become aware of the long-term problems of relying on data analytics, software development and IT infrastructure provided by private corporations. Consequently, the solutions include recommendations such as using, investing into and releasing open source software and publicly owned IT infrastructure. Also, governments should increase their employer appeal to attract young data science and software developer talent.

Violence against Native American Women is an epidemic in the United States. According to the Department of Justice, Native women experience sexual violence more than any other ethnic group (Department of Justice, 2013). Research by Juana Majel-Dixon 1st Vice President of the National Congress of American Indians suggests that one out of three Native women will be raped in their lifetime, and six in ten will be physically assaulted (Majel-Dixon, 2012). More importantly, emerging research by Jana Walker, Senior Attorney and Director of the Indian Law Resource Center also reveals that the majority of their attackers are non-Natives and most of these cases are never prosecuted (Indian Law Resource Center, 2010). Despite the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013 which was an attempt to shift inherent power to exercise criminal jurisdiction in special domestic violence situations to Native nations, very little has been done to end the perpetual cycles of violence and more specifically, reducing the treat from non-Natives. In this analysis, I argue that U.S. law has not effectively addressed these forms of violence against Native women and only masks legacies of trauma which fails to address violence occurring at the intersections of race and gender due to its grounding settler colonial mentalities and Eurocentric-patriarchal attitudes. These drastically changed Native women's gender roles and sealed their fate with historical legislation and policy that remains in effect today and therefore has perpetuated the cycles of violence against Native women.

This article uses a new conceptual approach to the question of Palestine, namely the settler-colonialism paradigm. This paradigm enabled scholars to develop the depiction of Zionism as a settler-colonialist project. However new approaches which have focused on Zionism as a settler-colonialist movement have, in fact, neglected indigenous Palestinian perspectives. The article advocates further refinement to the discourse of anti-colonialism by revisiting early Palestinian perceptions of Zionism. The article also shows that in the early stages of Zionism the movement was clearly depicted as a settler-colonialist project by Palestinian journalists and press commentators of the newspaper Filastin. However the existential implications of such an analysis were ignored by the Palestinian political elite, an oversight which also contributed to the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe).

Rezoning public school attendance boundaries offers important possibilities for promoting school integration; however, it tends to generate contentious debates, often with white, middle-class parents furiously opposing school reassignments. In this paper, we ask: what logics and discourses do race and class-privileged parents draw on to justify educational inequities, and how are such discourses employed? To explore these questions we analyze a high school rezoning controversy in the Williamsburg-James City County School Division in Eastern Virginia. We conducted a content analysis of public commentary collected from school board meetings, two district-administered surveys, and social media and local news outlets. We bring together Critical Race and Settler Colonial theoretical perspectives to argue that white, middle-class parents and residents mobilized the intertwined logics of private property and whiteness to claim entitlement to the highly ranked Jamestown High School. They did so by combining well-worn colorblind, deficiency frameworks with argumentative logics that leveraged their position as property owners in affluent neighborhoods. First, they linked home ownership in expensive, residential subdivisions to "responsible parenting," "freedom," and "choice." Second, they constructed the social bonds and "community" forged in overwhelmingly white, high-cost, residential sub-divisions as valuable to schools, making residents deserving of assignment to "the best school." This analysis sheds crucial light on the discursive linkages between color-blind racism and white private property and how white, class-privileged parents mobilize these deeply intertwined logics to defend entitlement to educational resources.

The ways in which collective memories are constructed in the present is important in explaining how people choose to commemorate their nation's history. The present research focused on the context of Australia Day, a controversial national holiday that falls on January 26, which is a date that marks the beginning of colonization. We conducted field surveys of community members participating in an Invasion Day protest pushing for Indigenous rights (n = 219) and community members enjoying the public holiday in a public park (n = 174). We found that greater recognition of colonial history explained protesters' (vs. nonprotesters') greater support for changing the date of Australia Day. Further, protesters' lower levels of perceived continuity and higher levels of desired continuity of First Australian culture was linked to greater support for changing the date of Australia Day compared to the nonprotesters. These findings suggest that creating consensus over contested collective memories of a nation's history requires greater recognition of the ongoing impact of past atrocities.

What does it mean for the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) building to be designed through modernist architecture principles on land acquired through settler colonialism? In 1947, construction began on the United Nations Headquarters (UNHQ) in Manhattan, a name derived from Manna-hata, a site within Lenapehoking, the homeland of Indigenous Lenape peoples violently displaced by waves of Dutch, British, and American settlers starting in the 17th century. This paper analyzes the structural dynamics that is in the literal foundations of the United Nations Headquarters, the post-World War II (WWII) worldmaking project intended to safeguard international order. By marshaling the history of Lenapehoking and analyzing the design principles informing the UNGA building, this paper narrows the claim that the post-WWII worldmaking project was contingent upon settler colonialism. Through a capacious reading of settler colonial theory, architectural history, and International Relations (IR), this paper aims to open up conversations on the ongoing structural and spatial dynamics embedded in the foundations of the UNGA building that are constitutive of the post-WWII international order.

In this article focus is put on how the current Human rights mechanism is a part of the wider neo-colonial strategy which is aimed at assisting the market forces only addressing the neo-colonial injustices and providing justice. The aim behind this work is to study and critique the works of majorly Jessica Whyte and Samuel Moyn in this concern upon as to whether Human Rights is a form of Neocolonialism and cannot therefore address the injustices of the neo-liberal global order.

Establishing indicators oriented towards the creation of a global society to the detriment of new forms of neo-colonialism. In the relations between Developed and Emerging Countries as part of the Global Health Diplomacy, there is a risk that the former can adopt behaviors induced by the financial needs of overcoming their crisis. The most relevant Documents by International Organizations and Articles published in the past regarding actions in this area and the forecast of economic growth in various areas of the World are considered and the hypothesis of dual scenarios that may arise from these are postulated. There are two hypothetical scenarios arising from the "six leadership priorities": the search for a Global Society or initiating forms of neo-colonialism on the part of developed countries towards emerging ones. If the "economic lens" is to prevail then the developed Countries, would seek to charge their crisis to emerging Ones where a forthcoming significant growth has expected; if the "ethical lens" is to prevail, it will be most likely be the hypothesis of a Global Society where there is a respect of Human Rights in order to drive growth and harmonization of relations between Governments.