Suchergebnisse

Contemporary scholars routinely argue colonialism and imperialism are indistinguishable. In this essay, I challenge this argument. While it is true the "colonial" and "imperial" overlap and intersect historically, I argue there is a central thread of modern colonialism as an ideology that can be traced from the seventeenth century to mid-twentieth century that was not only distinct from—but often championed in explicit opposition to—imperialism. I advance my argument in four parts. First, I identify key ways in which the colonial can be distinguished from the imperial, including most importantly the specific kind of productive power inherent in colonialism. Second, I examine how colonialism and imperialism evolve in meaning and are redefined by both champions and critics, in relation to each other in the late nineteenth/early twentieth centuries. Third, I examine the historical moment when colonialism and imperialism fully conflate after WWII through the UN process of decolonization as the "salt water thesis" delimits colonialism to mean foreign racialized domination, and it thus becomes synonymous with imperialism. I conclude with an analysis of why the distinction still matters in both theory and practice.

For decades archaeologists have limited studies of frontiers and colonialism to a single polity, empire, or epoch. This has been especially true of historical archaeologists; but in this intriguing collection, Beaule assembles archaeologists from around the world to determine the commonalities and differences of colonialism across the self-imposed divide of contact v. pre-contact. The work considers the expanding frontiers of the Romans, Iroquois, Egyptians, Filipinos, and the more familiar Mayan and Incan empires. The goal of this volume is to expand the theoretical interpretations and perspectives to all archaeologists working in frontier/colonial contexts, not just those of the European empires

For five centuries, colonialism and modernity have shaped the cultures of the world. This book traces these interacting long-term historical processes, and the parallel history of anti-colonial movements and ideas. It outlines the rise to global dominance of Europe since the 16th century, and attendant modernity that shaped and defined this rise

"Nearly 40 years after its first publication in French this collection of Sartre's writings on colonialism remains a supremely powerful and relevant polemical work. Over a series of thirteen essays Sartre brings the full force of his remarkable intellect relentlessly to bear on his own country's conduct in Algeria and by extension the West's conduct in the Third World in general. The tussle is not equal, and the Western imperialists emerge at the end bloody, bruised and thoroughly chastened. Most startling of all is Sartre's advocacy of violence as a legitimate response to repression, motivated by his belief that freedom is the central characteristic of being human. Whether one agrees with his every conclusion or not, Colonialism and Neocolonialism shows a philosopher passionately engaged in using philosophy as a force for change in the world. An important influence on postcolonial thought ever since, this book takes on added resonance in the light of the West's most recent bout of interference in the non-Western world."--Jacket

Capitalism is a global racialized structure. Although many of the exploited working class are white peoples, people of color, especially women of color, have generally borne the brunt of the human suffering inflicted by capitalism. There is no doubt that colonialism and U.S. slavery were economic systems, but they were also brutal attacks on non-Western peoples.

"This book examines the various ways in which colonialism in Zimbabwe is remembered, looking both at how people analyse, perceive, and interpret the past, and how they rewrite that past, elevating some players and their historical agency. Inspired by the ongoing movement on decoloniality, this book examines the ways in which generations of today question and challenge colonialism's legacies and their role in Zimbabwe's collective memories and history. The book analyses the memorialising of both Mugabe and Mnangagwa in their speeches and during the political transition, before going on to trace the continuing impact of colonialism across areas as diverse as dress code, place-naming, agriculture, religion, gender, and in marginalised communities such as the BaKalanga. Drawing on the expertise of Zimbabwean scholars, this book will appeal to researchers of decolonisation, and of African history and memory"--

Historically, colonial domination has involved subjecting innocent populations to atrocities such as murder, torture, and exploitation. But pointing at these wrongs is not enough to explain the distinctive way in which colonialism is wrong. After all, murder, torture and exploitation are wrong whether or not they occur in the context of colonial occupation. If all we can do to explain the nature of colonialism is point at the fact that it typically involves the perpetration of these crimes, we cannot vindicate the thought that there is something distinctively wrong with it. And yet, intuitively the victims of colonial domination have suffered a distinctive wrong over and above those associated with these crimes. How should we understand the nature of this wrong? I answer this question by arguing that that colonial domination undermines the capacity of political communities to exercise their self-determining agency in a particular way.

This classic work, first published in France in 1955, profoundly influenced the generation of scholars and activists at the forefront of liberation struggles in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. Nearly twenty years later, when published for the first time in English,Discourse on Colonialism inspired a new generation engaged in the Civil Rights and Black Power and anti-war movements. Aimé Césaire eloquently describes the brutal impact of capitalism and colonialism on both the colonizer and colonized, exposing the contradictions and hypocrisy implicit in western notions of "progress" and

The threat of personal harm and destruction from terrorist attacks is nowhere near as great as in Arab nations. However, are counter-terrorism laws in the Arab world formulated and enforced to protect or oppress? Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, and Anti-Terrorism Law in the Arab World examines the relationship between Western influence and counter-terrorism law, focusing on the Arab world, which is, on the one hand, a hostile producer of terrorist organizations, and on the other, a leader in countering 'terrorism'. With case studies of Egypt and Tunisia, Alzubairi traces the colonial roots of the use of coercion and extra-legal measures to protect the ruling order, which are now justified in both the West and the Arab world in the name of counter-terrorism. Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, and Anti-Terrorism Law in the Arab World provides important lessons for counter-terrorism, not just in these countries but also elsewhere in the world

On imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism -- Terrorism and counter-terrorism at the international level : a challenge in the post-colonial world -- Terrorism and counter-terrorism in the Arab world -- The colonial and neo-colonial experience in Egypt -- Counter-terrorism in Egypt -- The colonial and neo-colonial experience in Tunisia -- Counter-terrorism in Tunisia neo-colonial approval of authoritarianism -- Conclusions

In this volume, six experts from Europe and Africa present new insights from the field about various aspects of Germany's colonial rule in Africa, raising doubt about the hitherto interpretations of some important events. The outbreak of violence in Rwanda 1904 was neither an anti-colonial Hutu uprising nor the result of a royal court intrigue against German rule, but instead a response to raids, the White Father missionaries had carried out against the local population. German colonialism in Rwanda was much less benevolent than it is today recalled in Rwanda, because its main edge was directed against the population in the North whose collective memory has been marginalized in the royal abanyiginya narrative, under colonial rule and after the genocide. Other chapters deal with the link between colonial boundaries and ethnic conflict and the counter-intuitive consequences of the German/Namibian settlement about colonial atrocities against the Herero and Nama.

In this volume, six experts from Europe and Africa present new insights from the field about various aspects of Germany's colonial rule in Africa, raising doubt about the hitherto interpretations of some important events. The outbreak of violence in Rwanda 1904 was neither an anti-colonial Hutu uprising nor the result of a royal court intrigue against German rule, but instead a response to raids, the White Father missionaries had carried out against the local population. German colonialism in Rwanda was much less benevolent than it is today recalled in Rwanda, because its main edge was directed against the population in the North whose collective memory has been marginalized in the royal abanyiginya narrative, under colonial rule and after the genocide. Other chapters deal with the link between colonial boundaries and ethnic conflict and the counter-intuitive consequences of the German/Namibian settlement about colonial atrocities against the Herero and Nama

Il suffit d'observer que M. Chevardnadze règne en Géorgie, que certains leaders de la révolte tchétchène sont d'origine russe, que la plupart des dirigeants de républiques exsoviétiques sont des apparatchiks de l'époque Gorbatchev, pour en déduire que pareil phénomène n'a pas d'équivalent ailleurs. Cela témoigne bien de la spécificité de ce qu'a pu être la colonisation russe et soviétique confrontée à celle des autres puissances coloniales ou impérialistes. Et, comme le montre l'auteur, cela annonce également la spécificité de son processus de décolonisation.

In the fifth volume of his collected essays, Jean-Paul Sartre has brought together thirteen pieces written during the last ten years and dealing with the problems of colonialism and decolonization. They range from prefaces or reviews of books to polemical articles and interviews on the Algerian question and French politics; as is to be expected, they vary widely in quality as well as importance. Some of them are perhaps better seen as documents, testimonials of Sartre's courageous stand against the policies of successive French cabinets toward Algeria. At a time when the majority of the French people and of their leaders were striving to avoid seeing or acknowledging the profound moral issues confronting them, Sartre's voice was among the few raised to point out the real problems, to remind Frenchmen of their own recent experience under the Nazis, and to warn them against imitating those Germans who "did not know" what was happening at Dachau and Auschwitz. At the time of the Hungarian revolt of 1956, Sartre did not let his commitment to Marxism and to the left still his voice or his conscience. During the Algerian war, in the late 1950's, he became once again the conscience and the voice of French humanism and French culture. He and his collaborators and friends kept up the intellectual (and sometimes material) contact between France, as a nation and as an idea, and her rebellious colonial subjects.