The article examines the erasure of any concept of the 'public kitchen' in the Philippines as demonstrative of statewide suppression of marginal identities that continues to facilitate the simplistic and uncomplicated entry of neocolonial modernity. As a yardstick of growth and progress under the US colonial government, the battle to modernize the Philippines extends far beyond the political and administrative terrains and into the reconfiguration of domestic space. In particular, the kitchen was to become an important site that demonstrated the efficiency and power of American science. Accorded with new functions emanating from a colonial ideology, the induction of cooking and eating as expressions of collective identity have considerable implications for the manner in which public and private spaces are imagined.
Scholars increasingly agree that the 'Mauritian Miracle' was enabled by the country's significant level of state capacity. This article probes Mauritius's state-building past to identify the early sources of Mauritian state capacity. Specifically, I find that the close collaboration between the island's export-oriented sugar planters, known as the Franco-Mauritians, and colonial officials accounts for the growth of Mauritian state capacity during the nineteenth century. Following the island's first major commodity boom, in 1825, sugar planters pressed colonial officials to 'regulate' the island's labour supply, improve its transportation infrastructure, and undertake research and development initiatives. These efforts collectively promoted the growth of state capacity and laid the groundwork for the country's relatively capable state. The influence of Mauritius's export-oriented coalition on state building may shed light on the country's comparative success to other African countries, where export-oriented coalitions have been rare both historically and in the contemporary era. [Sonder les sources historiques du miracle mauricien: les exportateurs de sucre et la construction des bâtiments dans les colonies de l'Etat de l'île Maurice.] De plus en plus, les chercheurs s'accordent à dire que le « miracle mauricien » a été activé par le niveau important du pays par sa capacité d'État. Cet article fait un bilan du domaine de construction dans le passé par l'État Mauricien afin d'identifier les sources préalables de capacité pour l'État mauricien. Plus précisément, je trouve que la collaboration étroite entre les planteurs de canne à sucre de l'île orientés vers l'exportation, lesquels étaient connus sous la désignation de Franco-Mauriciens et des fonctionnaires coloniaux, compte pour la croissance de la capacité de l'État mauricien au cours du dix-neuvième siècle. A la suite de l'explosion de la principale marchandise en 1825, les planteurs de sucre ont fait pression sur les autorités coloniales de « régulariser » les conditions de la main d'œuvre sur l'île, d'améliorer ses infrastructures de transport, et d'entreprendre des initiatives de recherche et développement. Ces efforts ont collectivement contribué à promouvoir la croissance de la capacité de l'État et jeté les bases d'état relativement capables pour le pays. L'influence de la coalition d'exportation de l'île Maurice sur l'édification de l'État peut apporter de la lumière sur le succès comparatif du pays par rapport à d'autres pays africains, où des coalitions axées sur l'exportation ont été rares à la fois historiquement et à l'époque contemporaine.
Mots-clés: L'île Maurice; les exportations de sucre; l'explosion des matières premières; les coalitions; l'édification de l'État; le développement politique
The complex issue of the land tenure system in 19th and 20th century Ethiopia–Eritrea has a tridimensional aspect that constitutes the basis of my reflection here: the native conception of land, the imperial Ethiopian policy and the colonial intervention. A correct evaluation of this interrelation can be properly understood by focusing on a corpus of integrated sources related to local written documentation, oral records and colonial reports. The control of the northern border by Emperors Yoḥannǝs and Mǝnilǝk created various historical problems and a debate focusing on independence and the maintenance of a political autonomy of the Märäb Mǝllaš. Land tenure system is the key factor for understanding the dynamic of power relations in the area at the eve of colonial rule.
From August 9-12, 1941, the two leaders of the English-speaking world, President Franklin Roosevelt of the United States and Prime Minister Winston Churchill of the United Kingdom, met at Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, to discuss the "problem of Nazi Germany" and laid out "broad principles" to shape the postwar world. Through these principles, not only did Roosevelt seek the defeat of Hitler, but to undermine the British Empire and finally open its vast trade and markets to American business and financial interests. It is a story unlike any other--setting the precedent for summit diplomacy, the foundation of the Anglo-American alliance, the downfall of the British Empire--all told through the eyes of two of the greatest statesmen in history.
Este artigo relaciona o sentimento de marginalidade e periferia expressos por um grupo de jovens nas ilhas Bijagós com os processos históricos e políticos que marginalizaram as comunidades rurais na Guiné‑Bissau no período colonial tardio e no pós‑independência, excluindo‑os da formação do Estado. Estes processos foram apoiados e justificados de forma concomitante pela difusão das ideias de civilização e desenvolvimento que produziram – e ainda produzem – a oposição ideológica entre as populações urbanas e as comunidades rurais. Na sequência do trabalho seminal de Anna Tsing, encaro a construção do paradigma da região Bijagó como um local fora do lugar e verifico como este foi construído ao longo do tempo através das grandes narrativas da civilização e do desenvolvimento. ; In this article I will trace back the feelings of peripherality and marginality expressed by a group of young men in the Bijagó Islands to the historical and political processes that marginalised the rural communities in Guinea‑Bissau in the late colonial and postindependence period and excluded them from the formation of the state. These processes were supported and justified by the concomitant formation and diffusion of ideas of civilisation and development that produced and still produce ideological opposition between urban populations and rural communities. Following the seminal work of Anna Tsing, I will consider how the paradigm of the Bijagó region as an out‑of‑the‑way place has been constructed over time through the grand narratives of civilisation and development.
