First Comes Marriage, Then Comes Baby, Then Comes What Exactly?
In: 15 National Taiwan University Law Review (2020)
In: 15 National Taiwan University Law Review (2020)
SSRN
Working paper
In: Index on censorship, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 112-119
ISSN: 1746-6067
UNLIKE MOST DEVELOPED COUNTRIES, ISRAEL SEES IMMIGRATION AS THE CURE TO ITS MOST PRESSING PROBLEM, EVEN THOUGH IT CANNOT ALWAYS CONTROL THE SIDE EFFECTS
In: International affairs, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 451-451
ISSN: 1468-2346
AbstractWhere the I Comes FrombyUrsula Kwong-BrownDoctor of Philosophy in Musicand the Designated Emphasis in New Mediain the Graduate Division University of California, Berkeley Professor Myra Melford, Chair I first read Josh Bell's poem "Where the I Comes From" in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election, at a time when it seemed like America was being torn apart by class and racial conflict. The poem spoke to me because it so honestly describes the propensity for violence which is hidden inside each of us. It is easy to blame one another for our country's current state of xenophobia and the daily destruction of our democratic institutions, but much harder to recognize the seeds of jealousy, narcissism and hatred within ourselves. We must see our own faults clearly before we can find the common humanity from which we can address everyone – even our enemies – with love and compassion.
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In: Oxford scholarship online
'Come Out, Come Out, Whoever You Are' examines the variety of ways various people and groups use the concept of coming out to resist stigma and mobilize for social change. It examines how American lesbians, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ+) people have used the term in different ways over time. It also examines how four diverse U.S. social movements - the fat acceptance movement, undocumented immigrant youth movement, the plural-marriage family movement among Mormon fundamentalist polygamists, and the #MeToo movement - have employed the concept to advance their cause. It sheds light on these particular struggles, while illuminating broader questions regarding social change, cultural meaning, and collective mobilization.
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 10-13
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: Index on censorship, Band 24, Heft 4, S. 72-75
ISSN: 1746-6067
In: Studi sulla Comunicazione e l'Informazione
In: Rivista trimestrale di scienza dell'amministrazione: analisi delle istituzioni e delle politiche pubbliche, Heft 1, S. 57-74
ISSN: 1972-4942
Recenti dibattiti sulla Evidence-Based Policy hanno discusso le sue ipotesi metodologiche su come stabilire l'evidenza, e cioč la gerarchia della robustezza dei metodi nella valutazione degli effetti dele politiche. Minore attenzione č stata dedicata al modo in cui una politica č concepita all'interno di questo approccio, vale a dire come trattamento somministrato ad un paziente (target), al fine di ottenere uno specifico risultato, con l'obiettivo poi di essere generalizzato. Questa concezione si esprime in un quadro epidemiologico come ambito disciplinare, e presuppone un'analisi controfattuale come gold standard, che ignora il processo decisionale e di attuazione, e il ruolo degli stakeholders. Sia questo modo di concepire la politica, che quello di affrontare le diverse fasi del ciclo delle decisioni politiche sono in contrasto con altre metodologie basate su differenti presupposti disciplinari e teorici, in gran parte provenienti dalle scienze politiche. Gli approcci basati sulla "razionalitŕ sinottica" considerano le politiche come interventi basati su una logica di obiettivi-mezzi-risultati, prendendo in considerazione le tre fasi, come momenti separati, e seguono una valutazione basata sugli obiettivi (goal-oriented evaluation). Gli approcci basati sulla "razionalitŕ incrementale" guardano alle politiche come ad un insieme di relazioni complesse che si sviluppano durante l'implementazione, durante la quale le politiche vengono ri-definite. I diversi approcci sono confrontati sulla base del loro modo di considerare ciň che accade durante il processo decisionale, l'attuazione del programma e la valutazione; qual č il significato di valutare gli effetti (causalitŕ), il loro modo di affrontare il contesto, e il modo in cui consentono la partecipazione dei beneficiari.
In: Sagittari Laterza 203
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 633, S. 167-179
ISSN: 1552-3349
This article explores notions of the "child as citizen" and "children's citizenship" in the context of possibilities and promises for the rights of children that are laid out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It poses the question, Can "children's citizenship" ever be fully accomplished for and/or by children? The article begins with an examination of contemporary theories of citizenship and considers the grounds for children's citizenship in the light of the ways in which "childhood" is culturally, socially, economically, and politically constructed in different societies. It suggests that in social investment states, such as the United Kingdom, the contemporary cultural politics of childhood mean that children's citizenship remains ambiguous. What is needed, the article suggests, is a greater understanding at the local level of how children's experiences as members of society unfold. Thus, taking England as a case study, and drawing on some empirical research with children's experiences in children's hospitals, the article illustrates the ways in which adults' ideas about childhood limit children's agency and actions, thereby denying them status as citizens. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 633, Heft 1, S. 167-179
ISSN: 1552-3349
This article explores notions of the "child as citizen" and "children's citizenship" in the context of possibilities and promises for the rights of children that are laid out in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It poses the question, Can "children's citizenship" ever be fully accomplished for and/or by children? The article begins with an examination of contemporary theories of citizenship and considers the grounds for children's citizenship in the light of the ways in which "childhood" is culturally, socially, economically, and politically constructed in different societies. It suggests that in social investment states, such as the United Kingdom, the contemporary cultural politics of childhood mean that children's citizenship remains ambiguous. What is needed, the article suggests, is a greater understanding at the local level of how children's experiences as members of society unfold. Thus, taking England as a case study, and drawing on some empirical research with children's experiences in children's hospitals, the article illustrates the ways in which adults' ideas about childhood limit children's agency and actions, thereby denying them status as citizens.