Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.
U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).
Rad je usmjeren na razumijevanje pojave dječjih brakova kao prakse koja grubo krši ljudska i dječja prava djevojčica i dječaka, ugrožava njihovu dobrobit i sprječava ih u ostvarivanju njihovih punih potencijala. U uvodnom dijelu analiziraju se uzroci i posljedice dječjih brakova te se iznose dostupni podaci o raširenosti ove pojave u regiji. Slijedom dostupnih istraživanja na području Europe koja ukazuju na povećanu zastupljenost pojave u romskoj zajednici, a uzimajući u obzir nedostatak domaćih istraživanja i literature o ovoj temi, u radu su predstavljeni rezultati provedenog kvalitativnog istraživanja čiji je opći cilj bio dobiti uvid u osobno iskustvo odraslih žena Romkinja povezano s njihovim stupanjem u bračnu zajednicu prije navršene osamnaeste godine života. Podaci su prikupljani metodom polustrukturiranog intervjua te analizirani postupkom tematske analize. Rezultati istraživanja poklapaju se s dostupnim znanjima u ovom području, ali i dodatno artikuliraju isprepletenost različitih čimbenika od razine samih djevojaka i roditelja do razine normi u romskoj zajednici. Slijedom toga, raspravlja se i o javno političkom okviru, a predložene su aktivnosti usmjerene na prevenciju prakse dječjih brakova u sustavu obrazovanja te aktivnosti u zajednici i sa zajednicom usmjerenih na pružanje podrške mladima, ali i na mijenjanje normi koje podržavaju ovu praksu. ; This paper focuses on understanding the emergence of child marriage as a practice that grossly violates human and children's rights of girls and boys, threatens their well-being and prevents them from reaching their full potential. The first section analyzes the causes and consequences of child marriages and presents available data on the prevalence of this phenomenon in the region. Based on the available research in Europe, which indicates an increased prevalence of the phenomenon in the Roma community, and taking into account the lack of domestic research and literature on the topic, this paper presents the results of a qualitative study aimed at gaining insight into the personal experience of adult Roma women associated with their entry into marriage before the age of eighteen. The data were collected by semi-structured interview method and analyzed by the thematic analysis procedure. The results of the research coincide with the available knowledge in this field, but also additionally articulate the interplay of various factors from the level of the girls and parents themselves to the level of norms in the Roma community. Consequently, the public policy framework is also discussed, and activities aimed at preventing the practice of child marriage in the education system and activities within the community aimed at providing support to young people, but also at changing the norms which support this practice, have been proposed.
Suvremeni pristupi određenju zdravlja već su dugo pod utjecajem shvaćanja koji ga opisuju kao stanje potpunog tjelesnog, duševnog i socijalnog blagostanja, a ne samo odsustva bolesti. Naročito osjetljive društvene skupine poput obitelji, djece i mladih, ali i brojne specifične kategorije stanovništva poput izbjeglica, siromašnih, etničkih, seksualnih ili rasnih manjinskih skupina pogođene su dodatno u zajednicama u kojima žive upravo putem utjecaja koji prema njima vrše članovi te iste zajednice. Zbog toga su se tijekom posljednjih desetljeća u teoriji i praksi različitih profesija koje se bave zdravljem stanovništva (kao što su to medicina, socijalni rad, psihologija i druge) razvili pristupi i modeli koji zdravlju pristupaju unutar paradigme razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja. Time su na neki način zajednica i koncept zdravlja postali nerazdvojivo povezani. Zdravlje u zajednici predstavlja sposobnost zajednice da stvori i uspješno koristi resurse s ciljem podrške dobrobiti i kvalitete života zajednice. Razvoj zajednice odnosi se na proces njegovanja osjećaja zajednice, jačanja socijalnih veza među ljudima, podizanja kohezije s ciljem postizanja harmonične, podržavajuće, i za život poticajne i zanimljive okoline ljudima. On se zasniva na razvoju resursa u zajednici koji se mogu između ostalog pronaći u grupama za samopomoć, sustavu socijalne podrške ili razvoju sustava koji jačaju sudjelovanje građana u usmjeravanju i oblikovanju zdravstvenih prioriteta. Promocija zdravlja u zajednici predstavlja konceptualni okvir koji naglašava primarnu prevenciju i perspektivu utemeljenu na suradnji sa stanovništvom, a na nju se može gledati kao na filozofiju, proces, projekt ili ishod. Razvoj zajednice i promocija zdravlja u zajednici sadrže fundamentalno vjerovanje da ljudi mogu identificirati i rješavati svoje probleme. S tim ciljem razvijeni su brojni modeli rada u zajednici od kojih su neki postavljeni ideal-tipski, a neki su proizašli iz prakse rada stručnjaka diljem svijeta. U radu su prikazane neke ključne odrednice koncepata razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja, obilježja konteksta u kojima se procesi razvoja zajednice i promocije zdravlja odvijaju, specifičnosti pojedinih modela rada, njihovih ključnih vrijednosnih odrednica i njihovi ciljevi. Zaključno, istaknuto je kako razvoj zajednice i promocija zdravlja u zajednici predstavljaju suštinski aspekt suvremene prakse i politike zdravlja te kako se koristeći zajednicu kao ishodišnu točku svojih intervencija mogu postići značajni uspjesi u unapređenju položaja različitih, osobito ranjivih, društvenih skupina te ujedno utjecati na smanjenje financijskih troškova povezanih s postizanjem tog cilja. ; Modern approaches to health determination have been influenced since long time ago by the notions that describe it as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being,and not just the absence of illness. Particularly vulnerable social groups such as families, children and young people, as well as many specific categories of the population such as refugees, poor people, ethnic, sexual or racial minority groups are additionally affected in the communities in which they live by the influence exerted on them by members of that same community. As a result, approaches and models have evolved in the theory and practice of different professions dealing with population health (such as medicine, social work, psychology, etc.) within the last decades, within the paradigm of community development and health promotion. In this way, the community and the concept of health became inseparable. Community health is the ability of a community to create and successfully use resources to support the well-being and quality of life of the community. Community development refers to the process of fostering a sense of community, strengthening social ties between people, raising cohesion with the aim of achieving a harmonious, supportive, and stimulating and engaging environment for people. It builds on the development of community resources that can be found, among other things, in self-help groups, the social support system, or the development of systems that enhance citizen participation in directing and shaping health priorities. Community health promotion is a conceptual framework that emphasizes primary prevention and a community-based perspective, and can be viewed as a philosophy, process, project or outcome. Community development and community health promotion contain the fundamental belief that people can identify and solve their problems. To this end, a number of community-based work models have been developed, some of which are ideally-typed and some derived from the practice of professionals around the world. The paper presents some key determinants of the concepts of community development and health promotion, the characteristics of the contexts in which the processes of community development and health promotion take place, the specifics of particular models of work, their key values and their goals. In conclusion, it was emphasized that community development and promotion of community health are an essential aspect of contemporary health practices and policies, and that using the community as a starting point for their interventions can achieve significant success in promoting the position of diverse, especially vulnerable, social groups and at the same time reducing financial costs associated with achieving that goal.
U radu se razmatra Lockeovo poimanje prirodnoga stanja kao prve sekvence njegove kontraktualističke naracije te razlozi za napuštanje toga prirodnoga stanja i dragovoljni ulazak pojedinaca u političku zajednicu. Pojedinci na temelju izričitog pristanka, odnosno društvenog ugovora, postaju članovima političke zajednice. Motiv za stvaranje političke zajednice je očuvanje vlasništva koje je u Lockeovoj filozofiji politike, suprotno teoretičarima njegova doba kao što su Grotius, Hobbes i Pufendorf, pojmljeno kao pretpolitička kategorija. Locke vlasništvo poima na dvostruki način: u širem smislu riječi ono podrazumijeva život, slobodu i imetak pojedinca, a u užem smislu riječi vlasništvo označava samo imetak. Političkoj zajednici kao ustanovljenoj državi namijenjena je samo instrumentalna uloga koja se sastoji od toga da kao nepristrani sudac razrješava sporove, osigura očuvanje imovine te da među pojedincima sprečava moguće nasilje i prevare koje nastaju zbog velikih razlika u vlasniš¬tvu. Država sprečava osobno provođenje prirodnog zakona jer se time politička zajednica i njezini građani štite od pristranosti posrnulih pojedinaca. Autor u članku nastoji ponuditi kritičko-analitičku rekonstrukciju Lockeove argumentacije prirodnog stanja i kontraktualističkog opravdanja same konstitucije i načina djelovanja političke zajednice. ; This paper discusses Locke's conception of the natural state as the first sequence in his contractualism narration, and the reasons for the abandonment of natural state and voluntary entry of individuals into political community. Individuals under the explicit consent apropos social contract become the members of political community. The motive for the creation of political community as the preservation of property was conceived as a pre-political category in Locke's philosophy of politics, contrary to the theorists of his time such as Grotius, Hobbes, and Pufendorf. Locke thinks of the ownership in two ways: in the wider sense of the word, it means life, liberty and property of the individual, but in the strict sense it means to posses property. Political community, established as state, is intended to have an instrumental role which consists of having an impartial judge settling disputes, ensuring the preservation of property, and preventing possible violence and deception among individuals, arising from large difference in the property possession. The state prevents the personal implementation of natural law because it is the way in which the state can protect political community and its citizens from biased troubled individuals. The author seeks to offer the critical and analytical reconstruction of Locke's argument of natural state and the contractualist justification for the constitution and modus operandi of the political community.
Kurdi su koncentrirani na nepristupačnom području planina Zagros i Taurskog gorja što se smatra njihovim etničkim prostorom pod nazivom Kurdistan. Unatoč brojnosti, Kurdi nemaju vlastitu nacionalnu državu, već je prostor Kurdistana podijeljeno između četiri države- Turske, Irana, Iraka i Sirije. Svrha rada je pronaći glavne uzroke zbog čega Kurdi nisu iskoristili povijesnu priliku za osnivanje neovisne države nakon raspada Osmanskog Carstva i ispitati mogućnost za osnivanje Kurdistana u budućnosti. Radi tradicionalne podjele u kurdskom društvu na plemena i klanove, Kurdi su kasnije formirali modernu nacionalnu svijest i osjećaj pripadnosti jedinstvenom narodu. Kroz dvadeseto stoljeće slabi plemenska struktura, ali se podjela nastavlja u obliku političkog sukoba kurdskih stranaka oko ciljeva i metoda rješavanja kurdskog pitanja. Oprečni stavovi kurdskog naroda oko pitanja ujedinjenja kurdskih regija u jedinstvenu državu onemogućuje njihovo zajedničko istupanje. U daljnjem tekstu se ističe da međunarodna zajednica nije sklona osnivanju neovisne kurdske države jer bi spomenuto pridonijelo destabilizaciji već turbulentne regije. Regionalne sile neće dopustiti ugrozu vlastitog teritorijalnog integriteta, a velike sile koriste Kurde kao sredstvo za ostvarivanje pojedinih interesa u regiji. ; The Kurds are inhabiting an inaccessible area of the Zagros and Taurus mountains which is considered their ethnic space called Kurdistan. Despite of vast number of the Kurdish people, their independent country does not exist and the territory of Kurdistan is divided by 4 different countries – Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main purpose of this research was to discover the real reason why Kurds did not take an advantage of a historical opportunity to establish an independent country after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and to consider a possibility of establishing Kurdistan in the future. Because Kurds are traditionally divided into tribes and clans, later they have formed a modern idea of national consciousness and an ...
Mada se bavljenje »pučkim« u kazališnim režijama Marina Carića uglavnom prepoznaje preko njegove dugogodišnje suradnje s Hvarskim pučkim kazalištem, u ovom ću se radu baviti tretmanom pučkog i popularnog, dotičući se fragmenata cjelokupnog redateljskog opusa Marina Carića. I u trenucima kada režira klasike domaće i svjetske dramske književnosti, Carić povezuje teatar i komunu, odnosno zajednicu. Na taj način posredno progovara o premošćivanju granica između popularnog i »elitnog«, o odnosu individualnog i kolektivnog, svjesnog i nesvjesnog, kulturalnog i političkog. ; In this paper I will talk about the treatment of folk theatre and popular theatre in the whole directing work of Marin Carić. When directing classics of local and international literature, Carić connects theatre and commune (community). In that way he speaks about crossing boundaries between popular and elitistic, about relationship between individually and collectively, conscious and unconscious, culture and politics.
Autorica u članku analizira položaj Dubrovnika u prvoj fazi protudvorskog pokreta (1384. – 1390.). Razmatra odnos između Dubrovnika, ugarskog vladara i krune Sv. Stjepana u vremenu dinastičkih borbi i velikaških ambicija, a osobito obrađuje problem stupanja Sigismunda Luksemburškog (1387. – 1437.) na ugarski tron. ; The period of rule of the Hungarian-Croatian king Louis Anjou (1342-1382) is considered by the historiography as a golden age of Croatian medieval history. Croatia and Slavonia regained connection with the Dalmatian towns and Dubrovnik for the first time became part of the Hungarian kingdom. The whole kingdom and especially towns on the eastern Adriatic coast went through a period of positive economic growth. After the death of the king Louis Anjou the situation in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia changed. The question of legitimacy of king's rule appeared and dynastic and other political struggles intensified. In such situation it is interesting to follow the position of Dubrovnik as king's stronghold at the southernmost end of the kingdom. Dubrovnik led a balanced policy. It proclaimed its loyalty to the crown and then to the king with the legitimate right to carry St Stephen's crown. Leading circles in Dubrovnik were well aware of the positive side of king's supreme protection and they used this circumstance to widen town's autonomy, enlarge the territory under its control and achieve economic prosperity. Such relation toward the ruler later became part of the Dubrovnik's political ideology.
This paper deals with various philosophical aspects of the notion of listening correlated with forming and disabling of totalitarian communities. Traditional philosophy is mainly critical towards sensual knowledge, whereas contemporary thought is concentrated on listening as a significant and complex phenomenon that can be observed as a cognitive category and through various philosophical perspectives (politics, ethics). For Heidegger, listening has existential status and represents one of Dasein's characteristics. According to him, listening is understanding the one who is close to us (whom we bear in ourselves) – a friend. In Heidegger's philosophy of listening, Derrida recognises the possibility of forming a community of same and close. It alludes to homogenisation and enmity. Abandoning Heidegger's thesis about listening to a friend, Derrida writes about the possibility of listening to the spectre representing an affirmation of the existence of absolute otherness. Listening to the spectre is the only correct ethics by which distance is made and totalitarian community avoided. Like Derrida, Nancy sees the danger of forming a totalitarian community in the sameness and closeness of society's members. The way of avoiding the possibility of forming such a community Nancy sees in immediate (sensual) contact with the world. For Nancy, listening is a contact with the world not mediated by significations and understandings. Listening represents a metaphor of resistance towards aspirations of representative political systems in forming complete and closed communities. By presenting several contemporary philosophical concepts, this paper tries to demonstrate that listening, apart from creating closeness, can maintain an impossible community characterised by irrepresentability and heterogeneity and, more importantly, can function as the resistance toward totalitarian systems. ; Rad se bavi različitim filozofijskim aspektima pojma slušanja u svezi s oblikovanjem i obustavljanjem totalitarnih zajednica. Tradicionalna filozofija uglavnom je kritički nastrojena prema čulnom znanju, dok se suvremena misao usmjerava na slušanje kao značajan i kompleksan fenomen koji može biti promatran kao kognitivna kategorija i kroz različite filozofijske perspektive (politika, etika). Za Heideggera, slušanje ima egzistencijalni status i predstavlja jedno od Daseinovih obilježja. Po njegovu mišljenju, slušanje je razumijevanje onoga tko nam je blizak (koga nosimo u sebi) – prijatelja. U Heideggerovoj filozofiji slušanja, Derrida prepoznaje mogućnost oblikovanja zajednice istih i bliskih. Aludira na homogenizaciju i neprijateljstvo. Napuštajući Heideggerovu tezu o slušanju prijatelja, Derrida piše o mogućnosti slušanja sablasti koja predstavlja afirmaciju egzistencije apsolutne drugosti. Slušanje sablasti jedina je ispravna etika putem koje se uspostavlja udaljenost i izbjegava totalitarnu zajednicu. Poput Derridaa, Nancy vidi opasnost u oblikovanju totalitarne zajednice u istosti i bliskosti članova društva. Način izbjegavanja mogućnosti oblikovanja takve zajednice Nancy vidi u izravnom (čulnom) dodiru sa svijetom. Za Nancyja, slušanje je dodir sa svijetom neposredovan označavanjima i razumijevanjima. Slušanje predstavlja metaforu otpora prema aspiracijama predstavničkih političkih sustava u oblikovanju potpunih i zatvorenih zajednica. Predstavljajući nekoliko suvremenih filozofijskih pojmova, ovaj rad pokušava demonstrirati da slušanje, osim stvaranja bliskosti, može održavati nemoguću zajednicu karakteriziranu nepredstavništvom i heterogenošću te, što je važnije, može funkcionirati kao otpor prema totalitarnim sustavima. ; Die Arbeit behandelt verschiedenartige philosophische Aspekte des Begriffs des Hörens bezüglich der Schaffung und Auflösung totalitärer Gemeinschaften. Die traditionelle Philosophie steht dem sinnlichen Wissen zumeist kritisch gegenüber, während der zeitgenössische Gedanke auf das Hören als ein belangvolles und komplexes Phänomen ausgerichtet ist, welches sich als kognitive Kategorie und aus differenten philosophischen Perspektiven (Politik, Ethik) betrachten lässt. Das Hören hat für Heidegger einen existenziellen Status und repräsentiert eine der Eigenschaften des Daseins. Seines Erachtens ist Hören das Verständnis desjenigen, der uns nahesteht (den wir bei uns tragen) – des Freundes. In Heideggers Philosophie des Hörens erkennt Derrida die Möglichkeit, eine Gemeinschaft der Selben und Nahen zu formen. Er macht Anspielungen auf Homogenisierung und Feindseligkeit. Indem er Heideggers These vom Hören des Freundes verwirft, schreibt Derrida über die Möglichkeit, einem Gespenst zuzuhören, welches die Affirmation der Existenz absoluter Andersheit abbildet. Dem Gespenst zuzuhören ist die einzig richtige Ethik, durch die Distanz hergestellt und eine totalitäre Gemeinschaft vermieden wird. Ebenso wie Derrida sieht Nancy die Gefahr in der Schaffung einer totalitären Gemeinschaft aufgrund von Selbigkeit und Nahekommen der Gesellschaftsmitglieder. Einen Weg, der Eventualität der Formung einer solchen Gemeinschaft auszuweichen, sieht Nancy in direktem (sinnlichem) Kontakt mit der Welt. Für Nancy bedeutet das Hören eine nicht durch Signifikationen und Verständnisse vermittelte Berührung mit der Welt. Das Hören stellt eine Metapher für den Widerstand gegen die Aspirationen der repräsentativen politischen Systeme dar, vollkommene und geschlossene Gemeinschaften zu gestalten. Indem es mehrere zeitgenössische philosophische Begriffe vorstellt, versucht dieses Paper zu demonstrieren, dass das Hören, abgesehen von der Schaffung einer Nähe, auch eine unmögliche Gemeinschaft aufrechtzuerhalten vermag, die durch Nichtrepräsentativität und Heterogenität gekennzeichnet ist, und nicht zuletzt als Widerstand gegen totalitäre Systeme fungieren kann. ; Ce travail aborde divers aspects philosophiques du concept de l'écoute lié à la formation et au renversement des communautés totalitaires. La tradition philosophique relève principalement d'une critique envers la connaissance sensorielle, alors que la pensée contemporaine a trait à l'écoute, en tant que phénomène significatif et complexe, qui peut être considérée comme une catégorie cognitive, et peut également être analysée à travers diverses perspectives philosophiques (politique, éthique). Pour Heidegger, l'écoute a un statut existentiel et présente l'une des caractéristiques du Dasein. Selon lui, écouter c'est comprendre celui qui nous est proche (celui que nous portons en nous) – l'ami. Dans la philosophie heideggérienne de l'écoute, Derrida voit la possibilité de former une communauté des mêmes et des proches. Il fait allusion à l'homogénéisation et à l'hostilité. En rupture avec la thèse heideggérienne sur l'écoute de l'ami, Derrida écrit sur la possibilité de l'écoute du spectre qui présente l'affirmation d'une existence de l'altérité absolu. L'écoute du spectre est l'unique éthique juste au travers laquelle se constitue la distance et s'évite la communauté totalitaire. À l'instar de Derrida, Nancy voit un danger dans la formation de communautés totalitaires dans l'identité et la familiarité. La manière d'éviter toute possibilité de formation d'une telle communauté, Nancy la voit dans le contact direct (sensoriel) avec le monde. Pour Nancy, écouter c'est être en contact avec le monde sans l'entremise de significations et de compréhensions. Écouter présente une métaphore de résistance envers les aspirations des systèmes politiques représentatifs à former des communautés entières et fermées. En présentant quelques concepts philosophiques contemporains, ce travail s'applique à démontrer que l'écoute, hormis créer des affinités, peut préserver une communauté invraisemblable caractérisée par le non-représentationnel et l'hétérogénéité, mais aussi, et ce qui est bien plus important, peut fonctionner comme une force de résistance envers les systèmes totalitaires.
The author looks into the life & work of Alexander von Humboldt, viewing him as a protagonist of a scientific globalization concept that linked the promotion of science with the trinity of liberty, equality, & fraternity. Humboldt saw fraternite as realized in the form of a worldwide dialogue of scientists. The author observes that Humboldt was a pragmatic & organizational genius of networking, ie, the strategy of public relations that included contacts with scientists & the popularization of scientific achievements. Humboldt's Eurocentrism, which comes to the fore in his work about his travels, is nevertheless as ambivalent as the history of the reception of that work. Truth to tell, this work lay the foundation for European colonization & exploitation of Latin America, but was also essential for its self-understanding & political emancipation. The author claims that Humboldt's private & political ambivalence, essentially productive, is the result of his magnificent incompleteness & imperfections. Adapted from the source document.