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Beyond comparison In this article, the author takes up the issue of the so-called "crisis" of comparative literary studies (Comparative Literature), at the same time trying to outline the presentday condition of the discipline and to point to the objectives which it should attempt to attain today. Beside other detailed problems, the author analyses the threats posed by the hegemonic status of English which has become a specific 'foundational language' in Comparative Literature. However, in the principal part of his analysis, the author tries to go beyond the tendency towards 'unification and totalisation of thought,' which is present in Comparative Studies, by means of a search for 'commensurability' between the elements being compared,, and also beyond the equally popular strategy of 'divisiveness' that consists in continual emphasis on and proliferation of differences. He juxtaposes these two dominant trends with a model of conducting Comparative Literary Studies based on the concept of language of friendship or even love – an idea stemming from the philosophical thought of Lyotard and Badiou. In this approach, reading becomes an 'event of love, which, like love, is what is without and beyond compare.

Niniejsza praca jest efektem projektu badawczego, mającego na celu poznanie preferencji wyborczych sądeczan przed wyborami samorządowymi na prezydenta miasta Nowego Sącza w 2014 roku. Badanie zostało zrealizowane przy użyciu metody sondażu diagnostycznego na reprezentatywnej próbie dorosłych mieszkańców miasta, a tłem eksploracji empirycznej był okres przedwyborczej kampanii wyborczej prowadzonej przez kandydatów pretendujących do organu wykonawczego miasta. Cała praca składa się z trzech części. Pierwsza część – teoretyczna - naświetla problematykę pracy, ukazując ją w całokształcie wzajemnych związków i zależności przyczynowo – skutkowych (rozdział pierwszy i drugi). Druga cześć – badawczo – aplikacyjna przedstawia zakres działań projektowych oraz charakterystykę technologii i narzędzi stosowanych w prowadzonym sondażu, a także opis funkcjonalny i techniczny wykonanego projektu wzbogacony o elementy komparatystyki (rozdział trzeci, czwarty i piąty). Trzecia cześć ujmuje podejmowaną problematykę z perspektywy mediów lokalnych (rozdział szósty). W pracy podniesiono szereg ciekawych zagadnień na temat wyborczych preferencji sądeczan i ich uczestnictwa w lokalnych mechanizmach demokratycznych. Zebrane dane pozwoliły na zweryfikowanie postawionych hipotez badawczych, wyznaczenie drogi do określenia profilu wyborcy poszczególnych kandydatów, a także dały możliwość porównawczego ujęcia zbadanych preferencji z oficjalnymi wynikami wyborów. Przedstawione wyniki pokazały, że deklarowane preferencje znalazły, w granicach przyjętego błędu, odzwierciedlenie w oficjalnych wynikach wyborów. ; This paper is the result of a research project aimed at cognizing political preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz, before the local elections to become the President of Nowy Sacz in 2014. The survey was conducted using the method of diagnostic survey on a representative sample of adult residents of the town, and the background of empirical exploration was the period of pre-election campaign run by the candidates aspiring for the executive body of the town The entire work consists of three parts. The first part - theoretical - highlights the issues of the paper, presenting it in the whole inter-relationships and cause and effect dependencies (Chapter One and Two). The second part - research - application shows the scope of project activities and the characteristics of the technology and tools used in the survey conducted as well as a functional and technical description of the project made enriched with elements of comparative literature (Chapter third, fourth and fifth). The third part takes on the issues from the perspective of local media (Chapter Six). The paper raised a number of interesting issues on the electoral preferences of the residents of Nowy Sącz and their participation in local democratic mechanisms. The data collected made it possible to verify the research hypotheses, the identification of the way to determine a voter profile of each candidate, and also provided an opportunity for a comparative approach of the examined preferences and the official election results. The presented results showed that the declared preferences were reflected, within the accepted error, in the official results of the election.

The goal of this article is to show the role of the production sector in the economy of Latvia. The authors carried out the comparative analysis of the implementation of the production policy in the Baltic States. The methodology assumes the system approach to problem solving, providing unity of the following qualitative and quantitative methods: Monographic document analysis method (makes it possible to carry out a detailed study based on the extensive scientific literature review and law); Statistical research method. The authors of the article also used the cross correlation analysis (correlation analysis, regression analysis) to study the concept of production policy, its objectives and types, as well as pay special attention to the transformation of the definition of ―the production policy‖ in the modern economy. A comparative analysis of implementation of the Europe 2020 program in the Baltic States and its main indicators was also carried out. The implementation of the production policy was examined: export – import operations in the industry and the level of salaries. Using econometric methods (correlation of Spearman, Pearson and tau Kendall) the authors have shown the relationship between the investments in research and development, the level of salaries and export – import operations in the production sector.

Poles in New Zealand have been living there since XIX century. During that time Poland has fallen into Soviet Empire as its political satellite. It is well known that emigrant groups ofPoles were invigilated by polish – communist special forces around the World (mainly in West countries). There was a lack of evidences in available literature if Poles in New Zealand or from New Zealand were under P eople's Republic of Poland scrutiny. Hence question has arisen in what way Poles and New Zealand were under polish – communist special forces scrutiny and if so how did it affect the life of Poles in New Zealand at all? After a broad search query conducted in archives (located in Poland and in the United Kingdom) and literature the hypothesis was posed that polish – communist special security forces were unable to impact the socio – political life of Poles in New Zealand. This assumption was tested out of evidences written in primary sourcesReceived answers may lay a basis for further examinations on the role of polish – communist special forces in live of Poles abroad. Moreover results of this research may be useful in comparative studies for those interested about People Republic of Poland's special forces activity toward polish emigrants in different countries at that time. ; Marcin Wałdoch

Energy security is a sine qua non condition for functioning and development of the economy of individual countries. The presented analysis concerns the issues of energy security of Poland, Belarus and Ukraine from the perspective of importers and transit countries of crude oil in the infrastructural dimension. The aim of the article is to answer the question: which direction to develop the strategic transmission infrastructure in the transit countries in order to ensure energy security?
Literature research on the subject and a comparative analysis shows that from the perspective of these countries, one of the most important determinant of their energy security is the strategic transmission infrastructure that allows for the diversification of the supplier's sources and directions. However, the implementation of this strategy requires coordinated and consistent political actions as part of an international strategy.

The aim of the article is to present the use of the social participation tool, which is a protest in the form of a public assembly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The following research hypothesis was put forward: if citizens express their objections in the form of protests in the urban municipality, their main addressee is the central government, not the local authorities. Research questions focused on the decline in public gatherings and new protests emerging during the pandemic. Four cities were selected for the research: Wrocław, Gdańsk, Lublin and Katowice. In the article was used the institutional-legal, comparative and content analysis methods. The literature on the subject, data from the Public Information Bulletin (BIP) and press articles in the years 2020-2021 were analyzed. The results of the research confirm that the number of assemblies in the analyzed period did not drop significantly, and the protests were largely nationwide rather than local.

The purpose of this research is to illustrate the phenomenon of common crime in the eastern areas of Poland from 1921-1925. In the text, the author gives examples of this and its cause and effect on the functioning of the young Polish state. The timeline of the study covers the period from the signing of the Riga Treaty ending the Polish-Soviet War in 1921, to 1925 when the Bolsheviks temporarily gave up their aggressive attempts to spread communism in Europe. The author of the study focused on the most important type of crimes characteristic of the borderland such as robbery and smuggling, using the literature on the subject, source publications, and archival resources, mainly from the Central Military Archives, the Border Guard Archives in Szczecin, and Ukrainian archives in Lviv and Tarnopol. The research aims to show the characteristic types of common crimes, their connection with anti-Polish activities on the part of the USSR and Lithuania, and the intertwining of political crime with criminal offences. In the work, the author uses the critical analysis of sources, literary analysis, and the comparative method.

The aim of the article is to present the specific nature of research on the issues of national relations in a totalitarian state based on the example of the lands of Central and Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation from 1939-1941. In order to achieve this, the literature on the subject (in English and Polish) was reviewed as well as the most important methodological problems encountered by researchers. The research program was also outlined, along with a proposal for their conceptualization in the form of signalling the main aspects of the above-mentioned issues, including the specificity of the Soviet occupation of 1939-1941, social and ethnic relations in this area, and the Soviet nationalities policy. Several research methods and postulates were proposed, as well as perspectives and theoretical approaches that could facilitate the study of this complex and controversial subject, e.g., the interdisciplinary nature of research, methods of bottom-up formation of political attitudes of the population (the so-called "bottom-up" method), application of theories of the totalitarian state, and different theories of ethnicity. As a result, an interdisciplinary program of comparative studies of ethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe under Soviet rule (1939-1941) was outlined, taking into account the transnational character of historical processes and the need to conduct micro historic analyses and case studies that would allow capturing of the diversity of ethnic relations and verify the effectiveness of the policy of the central Soviet authorities. The article argues that it seems obvious that the specificity of the analysed problematics can be properly grasped only by consideration it in the historical and theoretical context, adopting a comparative and transnational approach, from a micro-historical as well as everyday-life perspective that highlights the most important social factors which facilitated changes in interethnic relations.

The research objective of this article is to address the question of whether, and if so, to what extent, the system of protection of national and religious minorities created after World War I under the League of Nations, covering only some of its member states, was an instrument of modernization of the states obliged to this protection? Modernization in the legal sense – in relation to legal solution the guarantee the rights of minorities and in the political sense – did it serve the peaceful coexistence of various national and religious groups within these countries and prevented the separatist tendencies manifested by some of the minorities? Have legal solutions been reflected in political practice? The article refers to the analysis of scientific literature and the analysis of the so called Little Treaty of Versailles of 1919 and the legal and comparative study of other legal acts. The territorial scope of the research covers: Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria and Hungary. The temporal range covers the years 1918-1939. The obtained research result does not allow to give an unambiguously affirmative answer to the question whether the post – Versailles system of protection of national and religious minorities contributed to the legal and political modernization in the described countries.

The aim of this article is to analyze the efficiency of the three currently working on the Polish side bilateral textbook commissions (Polish-German, Polish-Lithuanian and Polish-Ukrainian). Its added value lies, firstly, in rarely undertaken in the literature comparative research – the author's ambitions go beyond simple description of several different textbook committees. Secondly, in the formulation of concrete conclusions, which to some extent can be applied in practice. The used research method was studying the documents. Using the technique of critical analysis of the content the author revealed similarities and differences in the functioning of the three institutions in terms of: the history of creation; tasks, procedures and organization of their work; discussed topics and appearing controversies; the effects of undertaken actions. On that basis, she formulated the conviction that a decisive impact on the effectiveness of the mentioned institutions have the following factors: ambitions and chosen by commissions course of action, the framework of states' educational policies, the political support of the governments, wide debate on commissions' findings, attitudes of the societies on the both sides of the border and objective factors like: time, stage of nation-building process and partners' financial capacities.

The primary purpose of this article is to explain the meaning and consequences of foreign fighters' participation from Western Balkan countries (WB6) in armed conflicts in Syria and Iraq. In the first part, the issue of foreign fighters is discussed in historical terms. The author focuses on the examples of the Soviet inva-sion of Afghanistan and the ethno-religious conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the second part of the text, the definition framework of foreign fighters' concept and its evolution towards foreign terrorist-fighters is dis-cussed. Then, a detailed analysis of the main problem is conducted, and several research questions are an-swered: 1) What is the scale of the phenomenon of Balkan volunteers (e.g., their number, the structure of origin, and others) in comparison to fighters from other regions? 2) What are their motivations and goals, and what are their recruitment process and ways of moving into the war zone? 3) What is the threat posed by returning fight-ers to the security of the Western Balkans, and how do individual states counteract this phenomenon? The au-thor uses mainly the following research methods: critical content analysis (literature, scientific articles, docu-ments, reports, press materials), and historical and comparative analysis. The author's visits to this country in 2018-2020 constituted an essential contribution to the part concerning the case of Kosovo.

By focusing on the Western Balkans, this paper asks two questions: first, how small states that are both EU members and candidates for membership understand their role within this normatively powered order and, second, what their roles and agency mean for the order they are socialised into via democratic norms. The notions of hierarchies and orders are conceptualised in this paper as processes of norm diffusion and understood within the socialisation of democratic norms, which, according to the literature, can be institutionalised, rejected, or modified locally. First, I argue that such measurements can help us understand how the EU's practices shape the broader understanding of its actorness in normative and strategic terms toward the Western Balkans. Second, I scrutinise national strategies related to the processes of state-building, security, economy, and society to demonstrate how Serbia and Croatia present their agency as supporting and affirming of the prevalent conception of order in norm localisation, or being more critical of it in the process of localised norm contestation. Third, the effects of EU approaches that provide more tactical and technical views of Europeanisation, rather than (a strategic) full thrust on enlargement, are discussed in the conclusion by bringing the comparative insights together and parsing them by means of the shelter theory for small states.

The sustainable development issue since 60s of XX century is present on the international debate. One of the areas discussed in the sustainable development context is the climate change and energy and this in different ways for example taking energy from renewable energy sources, primary energy consumption or greenhouse gas emission. It goes probably from the connection between the energy sector and interference into the natural environment, the exploitation the natural sources and its high emission, what has a special meaning nowadays. that is why European Union starts to thing about special meaning of this issue, can we find this in its strategy documents. The main aim of this work is the attempt assessment the level of realization the sustainable development in climate change and energy area in Poland and comparing that to the other European countries. The sustainable development in the climate change and energy has been shown in Polish and European countries strategy. The comparative analysis Poland to the other EU countries has been done. The state documents and study literature have been used in this article. The comparative analysis were based on data form Eurostat. ; Współcześnie problematyka związana ze zmianami klimatycznymi i pozyskiwaniem, wykorzystaniem energii jest szeroko dyskutowana tak na arenie międzynarodowej, jak i krajowej. Wyrazem obecności tej tematyki w dyskursie publicznym jest ujmowanie jej w wielu dokumentach międzynarodowych, krajowych (także tych o charakterze strategicznym). Stanowi ona także jeden z obszarów omawianych w kontekście zrównoważonego rozwoju poprzez zwrócenie uwagi m. in. na pozyskiwanie energii ze źródeł odnawianych, zużycie energii pierwotnej, czy też wielkość emisji gazów cieplarnianych. Także Unia Europejska w ramach dążenia do zrównoważonego rozwoju zaczęła przypisywać szczególne znaczenie wspomnianej problematyce. Wobec powyższego za cel artykułu przyjęto próbę oceny poziomu realizacji koncepcji zrównoważonego rozwoju w obszarze dotyczącym zmian klimatycznych i energii w Polsce na tle krajów unijnych. Celowi pracy podporządkowano jej poszczególne części, w których przybliżono zrównoważony rozwój w zakresie zmian klimatycznych i energii w unijnych dokumentach strategicznych, oraz przeprowadzono analizę porównawczą Polski na tle krajów Unii Europejskiej w zakresie zmian klimatycznych i energii. W artykule wykorzystano literaturę przedmiotu, dokumenty rządowe, zaś przeprowadzone analizy oparto o dane wtórne pochodzące z Eurostatu.

The sustainable development issue since 60s of XX century is present on the international debate. One of the areas discussed in the sustainable development context is the climate change and energy and this in different ways for example taking energy from renewable energy sources, primary energy consumption or greenhouse gas emission. It goes probably from the connection between the energy sector and interference into the natural environment, the exploitation the natural sources and its high emission, what has a special meaning nowadays. that is why European Union starts to thing about special meaning of this issue, can we find this in its strategy documents. The main aim of this work is the attempt assessment the level of realization the sustainable development in climate change and energy area in Poland and comparing that to the other European countries. The sustainable development in the climate change and energy has been shown in Polish and European countries strategy. The comparative analysis Poland to the other EU countries has been done. The state documents and study literature have been used in this article. The comparative analysis were based on data form Eurostat. ; Współcześnie problematyka związana ze zmianami klimatycznymi i pozyskiwaniem, wykorzystaniem energii jest szeroko dyskutowana tak na arenie międzynarodowej, jak i krajowej. Wyrazem obecności tej tematyki w dyskursie publicznym jest ujmowanie jej w wielu dokumentach międzynarodowych, krajowych (także tych o charakterze strategicznym). Stanowi ona także jeden z obszarów omawianych w kontekście zrównoważonego rozwoju poprzez zwrócenie uwagi m. in. na pozyskiwanie energii ze źródeł odnawianych, zużycie energii pierwotnej, czy też wielkość emisji gazów cieplarnianych. Także Unia Europejska w ramach dążenia do zrównoważonego rozwoju zaczęła przypisywać szczególne znaczenie wspomnianej problematyce. Wobec powyższego za cel artykułu przyjęto próbę oceny poziomu realizacji koncepcji zrównoważonego rozwoju w obszarze dotyczącym zmian klimatycznych i energii w Polsce na tle krajów unijnych. Celowi pracy podporządkowano jej poszczególne części, w których przybliżono zrównoważony rozwój w zakresie zmian klimatycznych i energii w unijnych dokumentach strategicznych, oraz przeprowadzono analizę porównawczą Polski na tle krajów Unii Europejskiej w zakresie zmian klimatycznych i energii. W artykule wykorzystano literaturę przedmiotu, dokumenty rządowe, zaś przeprowadzone analizy oparto o dane wtórne pochodzące z Eurostatu.

The author's goal is to determine the consequences of implementing treaty solutions concerning public debt to the Polish Constitution and to define the differences between the methodology of counting public debt in the European Community and Polish legal order. The raised issues concern important problems from the substantive and practical point of view, therefore the study's content is important for science and practice. The research methodology was based on the analysis of the EU and Poland's normative solutions, opinions expressed in the international and national literature on the subject, and the case law of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. The paper applies mostly the dogmatic-analytic and legal-comparative method with reference to available statistical data on Poland's public debt. The study allowed the author to gain an understanding of the significance of fiscal rules implemented at the EU level to ensure stability. Article 216(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland indicates that the treaty solutions regarding the reference value (public debt-to-GDP ratio) were reenacted. However, until this day, the EU and Poland's debt measurement methods do not fully correspond. In order to counteract excessive debt incursion, a state is required to take not only efficient actions but also ones that are adequate and, to some extent, flexible. This is an expression of acceptance of the EU's preventive assumptions. However, there is still no full correlation in the methodology of calculating public debt in the EU and the Republic of Poland.