Wartościowanie pracy jako podstawa kształtowania relacji płac: (na przykładzie przemysłu przetwórczego Województwa Krakówskiego)
In: Zeszyty naukowe / Akademia Ekonomiczna w Krakowie
In: Seria specjalna, Monografie 86
17 Ergebnisse
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In: Zeszyty naukowe / Akademia Ekonomiczna w Krakowie
In: Seria specjalna, Monografie 86
Deprivation of an entity of acquired rights deriving from an administrative act is possible through the combined application of administrative provisions of substantive and procedural law. The limits of durability acquired under an administrative decision rights are the constitutional principle of the protection of acquired rights and the general principles of administrative procedure. The permanence of the right acquired by the administrative decision is not absolute. Repeal or change of the administrative decision is possible only in the mode provided in the law, since the administrative decision makes use of the presumption of regularity. The deprivation of administrative and legal powers in the area of public law takes place in the context of an assessment of the implementation of an administrative decision carried out by a state body. This assessment is possible with the use of two procedural institutions for the expiry of an administrative decision and a substantive institution for the withdrawal of rights. The body assesses whether the addressee of an administrative act has implemented the administrative decision not only in accordance with its content but also the provisions of the generally applicable law. The deprivation of a party of an acquired right is often accompanied by the need to award damages (grant compensation). The procedure and premises for claiming compensation liability have been regulated in the provisions of substantive administrative law. The principle of the effectiveness of public administration bodies is one of the basic principles of administrative law. Its application is not limited only to the creation of law, but also includes the application of law by public administration bodies. The problem of the efficiency of operations of state bodies is of particular importance not only in the area of enforceability of an administrative decision, but also its authorising function. The efficiency of operations of entities in the State structure is assessed through the prism of the implementation of a given administrative decision.
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Deprivation of an entity of acquired rights deriving from an administrative act is possible through the combined application of administrative provisions of substantive and procedural law. The limits of durability acquired under an administrative decision rights are the constitutional principle of the protection of acquired rights and the general principles of administrative procedure. The permanence of the right acquired by the administrative decision is not absolute. Repeal or change of the administrative decision is possible only in the mode provided in the law, since the administrative decision makes use of the presumption of regularity. The deprivation of administrative and legal powers in the area of public law takes place in the context of an assessment of the implementation of an administrative decision carried out by a state body. This assessment is possible with the use of two procedural institutions for the expiry of an administrative decision and a substantive institution for the withdrawal of rights. The body assesses whether the addressee of an administrative act has implemented the administrative decision not only in accordance with its content but also the provisions of the generally applicable law. The deprivation of a party of an acquired right is often accompanied by the need to award damages (grant compensation). The procedure and premises for claiming compensation liability have been regulated in the provisions of substantive administrative law. The principle of the effectiveness of public administration bodies is one of the basic principles of administrative law. Its application is not limited only to the creation of law, but also includes the application of law by public administration bodies. The problem of the efficiency of operations of state bodies is of particular importance not only in the area of enforceability of an administrative decision, but also its authorising function. The efficiency of operations of entities in the State structure is assessed through the prism of the implementation of a given administrative decision.
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In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 15, S. 134-144
ISSN: 1643-0328
Establishing legal forms of nature conservation entails a restriction on the right of ownership and other property rights. For this reason, the legislature introduced in the Act of 27 April 2001 on Environmental Protection Law solutions allowing for the purchase of real estate or payment of damages. The provisions of the Environmental Protection Law set out an administrative-judicial procedure of claiming for remedying a damage caused by the legal operation of the public administration related to the protection of environmental resources. This procedure is based on the fact that a claim, essentially of a civil nature (a claim for remedying a damage caused by restricting the use of property) is pursued in two stages – the first in an administrative proceeding in which the administrative authority issues a decision and in the second, where the case is decided by a general court. The first stage is obligatory, in the sense that in the event of a dispute for compensation, the aggrieved party must apply to the administrative body for compensation. The second is initiated as a result of the action of the party dissatisfied with the compensation awarded by the administrative body. ; Ustanowienie prawnych form ochrony przyrody wiąże się z ograniczeniem prawa własności i innych praw rzeczowych. Z tej przyczyny ustawodawca wprowadził w ustawie z dnia 27 kwietnia 2001 r. – Prawo ochrony środowiska rozwiązania umożliwiające domaganie się wykupu nieruchomości lub zapłaty odszkodowania. Przepisy ustawy Prawo ochrony środowiska przewidziały administracyjnosądowy tryb realizacji roszczenia o naprawienie szkody wywołanej legalnym działaniem administracji, związanym z ochroną zasobów środowiska. Tryb ten polega na tym, że roszczenie co do zasady o charakterze cywilnym (roszczenie o naprawienie szkody spowodowanej ograniczeniem sposobu korzystania z nieruchomości) jest dochodzone w dwóch etapach: 1) w postępowaniu administracyjnym, w którym organ administracji wydaje decyzję, oraz 2) w postępowaniu, w którym orzeka sąd powszechny. Pierwszy etap jest obowiązkowy w tym sensie, że w razie sporu o odszkodowanie poszkodowany musi wystąpić do organu administracji o ustalenie odszkodowania. Drugi natomiast jest inicjowany na skutek powództwa strony niezadowolonej z przyznanego przez organ administracji odszkodowania.
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The paper discusses the events of 2005–2015, when the international community decided that Iran's nuclear programme can also serve military purposes, and endeavoured to impose a strict control over this programme. The diplomacy of the European Union was exceptionally active in this area, in particular its three strongest members: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Given the protests of Iran and its accelerated work within the programme, there emerged the option of confrontation (including military conflict) or compensation offered to Iran in return for its abandoning nuclear ambitions. Over several years of negotiations, concluded by an agreement in July 2015, the EU was able to exert a strong politico-economic pressure on Iran on the one hand, and offer it advantageous terms of cooperation in the field of nuclear research on the other. ; The paper discusses the events of 2005–2015, when the international community decided that Iran's nuclear programme can also serve military purposes, and endeavoured to impose a strict control over this programme. The diplomacy of the European Union was exceptionally active in this area, in particular its three strongest members: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Given the protests of Iran and its accelerated work within the programme, there emerged the option of confrontation (including military conflict) or compensation offered to Iran in return for its abandoning nuclear ambitions. Over several years of negotiations, concluded by an agreement in July 2015, the EU was able to exert a strong politico-economic pressure on Iran on the one hand, and offer it advantageous terms of cooperation in the field of nuclear research on the other.
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In: Przegląd europejski: European review, Heft Tom 1, S. 131-141
ISSN: 2657-6023
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones' Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 117-140
ISSN: 2719-7131
The article presents the problem of fiscal imbalance in the Russian Federation and the mechanisms of its equalization. These mechanisms are one of the key elements of budgetary relations, due to significant differences in the level of economic development of federal subjects, resulting in horizontal and vertical fiscal imbalance. The paper presents the most important mechanisms from the early 90 s. Most attention was paid to the main method of guaranteeing financial security - The Fund for Financial Support of Subjects. Until 2008 an important element of the financial system had been other special funds (eg. The Federal Fund for Regional Development, The Federal Compensation Fund), replaced by intergovernmental grants. The main principles, objectives and implications of these mechanisms were described. Part of the work was dedicated to showing federal entities' dependence on financial transfers from the federal level. The outcome was that equalization results proved to be weak, mechanisms were unstable and not always formalized so as not to be subject to current policy needs.
The establishment of the communist regime in Poland in 1944 is a current subject of reflection in the doctrine and practice of legislation and judiciary. There has been no uniform position on these events, which means that the then sanctioned political and normative order continues to produce controversial assessments and, above all, certain legal effects. This results from the fact that the new people's power, empowered by force, and not by legal or social basis, has given itself the competence to establish a normative order. The lack of legitimacy for the rightful rule and legislative activity, in principle – from the point of view of the idea of the rule of law – undermines the political and legal status of the people's authorities. This is all the more so because the system of unified power and sources of law created at that time was evidence of building a totalitarian state modelled on the Soviet Union. The events and legal behaviours of that time led to numerous, often radical changes in many areas of private and public life. They caused certain social and material effects, difficult to reverse today, which Polish society still faces. Therefore, modern standards of the rule of law require that public authorities undertake comprehensive and effective activity. They require that the principles of just and fair compensation for material damage and compensation for moral losses resulting from the rule of this system be implemented. This seems all the more important because some regulations of the people's power, especially those concerning changes in the ownership structure, are still in force and form the basis of court and Constitutional Tribunal decisions. ; Ustanowienie reżimu komunistycznego w 1944 r. w Polsce stanowi w doktrynie oraz w praktyce legislacyjnej i orzeczniczej aktualny przedmiot refleksji. Nie wypracowano bowiem jednolitego stanowiska wobec tych wydarzeń, co powoduje, że usankcjonowany wówczas porządek polityczno-normatywny nadal skłania do kontrowersyjnych ocen i przede wszystkim wywołuje określone skutki prawne. Wynika to z faktu, że nowa ludowa władza, umocowana siłową, a nie prawną czy społeczną podstawą działania, sama nadała sobie kompetencje do stanowienia porządku normatywnego. Brak legitymacji do prawowitego panowania i działalności legislacyjnej w zasadzie – z punktu widzenia idei państwa prawa – podważa status ustrojowo-prawny organów władzy ludowej, tym bardziej że stworzony wówczas system jednolitej władzy i źródeł prawa świadczyły o budowaniu wzorowanego na Związku Radzieckim państwa totalitarnego. Ówczesne zdarzenia i zachowania prawne doprowadziły do licznych, często radykalnych zmian w wielu płaszczyznach życia prywatnego i publicznego. Ponadto wywołały określone, trudne dziś do odwrócenia skutki społeczne i materialne, z którymi wciąż mierzy się polskie społeczeństwo. Współczesne standardy państwa prawa stawiają zatem wymóg podjęcia kompleksowej i skutecznej aktywności przez władzę publiczną w zakresie słusznego i sprawiedliwego naprawienia szkód materialnych oraz zadośćuczynienia strat moralnych powstałych w wyniku panowania tego ustroju. Wydaje się to tym bardziej istotne, że niektóre regulacje władzy ludowej, zwłaszcza dotyczące zmian struktury własnościowej, nadal obowiązują oraz stanowią podstawę orzeczeń sądowych i Trybunału Konstytucyjnego.
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Artykuł poświęcony jest wydarzeniom lat 2005-2015, kiedy to społeczność międzynarodowa uznała, że rozwijany przez Iran program nuklearny może służyć także celom wojskowym i podjęła starania o poddanie tego programu ścisłej kontroli. Szczególnie aktywna była na tym polu dyplomacja Unii Europejskiej i jej trzech najsilniejszych państw: Francji, Niemiec i Wielkiej Brytanii. Wobec sprzeciwu Iranu i przyspieszania jego prac możliwa była albo droga konfrontacji (również militarnej), albo zrekompensowania Irańczykom rezygnacji z aspiracji nuklearnych. W kilkuletnich negocjacjach, zakończonych porozumieniem w lipcu 2015 r., UE potrafiła z jednej strony wywrzeć silną presję polityczno-gospodarczą na Iran, a z drugiej - zaoferować mu korzystne warunki współpracy w badaniach atomowych. ; The paper discusses the events of 2005-2015, when the international community decided that Iran's nuclear programme can also serve military purposes, and endeavoured to impose a strict control over this programme. The diplomacy of the European Union was exceptionally active in this area, in particular its three strongest members: France, Germany and the United Kingdom. Given the protests of Iran and its accelerated work within the programme, there emerged the option of confrontation (including military conflict) or compensation offered to Iran in return for its abandoning nuclear ambitions. Over several years of negotiations, concluded by an agreement in July 2015, the EU was able to exert a strong politico-economic pressure on Iran on the one hand, and offer it advantageous terms of cooperation in the field of nuclear research on the other.
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The article presents the problem of fiscal imbalance in the Russian Federation and the mechanisms of its equalization. These mechanisms are one of the key elements of budgetary relations, due to significant differences in the level of economic development of federal subjects, resulting in horizontal and vertical fiscal imbalance. The paper presents the most important mechanisms from the early 90 s. Most attention was paid to the main method of guaranteeing financial security - The Fund for Financial Support of Subjects. Until 2008 an important element of the financial system had been other special funds (eg. The Federal Fund for Regional Development, The Federal Compensation Fund), replaced by intergovernmental grants. The main principles, objectives and implications of these mechanisms were described. Part of the work was dedicated to showing federal entities' dependence on financial transfers from the federal level. The outcome was that equalization results proved to be weak, mechanisms were unstable and not always formalized so as not to be subject to current policy needs. ; Artykuł przedstawia zagadnienie nierównowagi fiskalnej w Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz mechanizmy jej niwelowania. Są one jednym z kluczowych elementów relacji budżetowych z uwagi na znaczące zróżnicowanie poziomu rozwoju gospodarczego podmiotów FR, skutkujące poziomą i pionową nierównowagą fiskalną. W pracy przedstawiono najważniejsze mechanizmy podziału transferów od początku lat 90. Najwięcej uwagi poświęcono podstawowej metodzie gwarantowania zabezpieczenia budżetowego - Federalnemu Funduszowi Wsparcia Podmiotów. Do 2008 r. istotnym elementem systemu budżetowego były inne specjalne fundusze (m.in. Federalny Fundusz Rozwoju Regionalnego, Federalny Fundusz Kompensacji), zastąpione przez subwencje, subsydia i dotacje. Opisano najważniejsze zasady, cele oraz efekty funkcjonowania powyższych mechanizmów. Część pracy poświęcono również pokazaniu zależności poszczególnych podmiotów od transferów finansowych ze szczebla federalnego. Rezultaty wyrównywania nierównowagi fiskalnej w badanym okresie okazały się słabe, mechanizmy nietrwałe i nie zawsze sformalizowane, by nie podlegać bieżącym potrzebom politycznym.
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Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.
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Polish-American relations and Iraq War in political conceptions of Liga Polskich Rodzin Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conceptions for Polish- -American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew, that more of them ideas was wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afganistan and Iraq without any compensations, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more belter solution than integrity with EU.
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The initiative to establish the Military Housing Fund (Fundusz Kwaterunku Wojskowego, FKW) was launched in 1925 in the Polish Senate, which, during considering the draft Act on accommodation for the army in peacetime adopted by the Polish Sejm opposed the possibility provided for by the draft law (causing social unrest) to seize (for a compensation) private premises for permanent accommodation for officers and married non-commissioned officers, in a situation where other (specified in the Act) methods of acquiring housing for this purpose did not bring the expected results. The Senate voted in favour of the construction and maintenance of residential buildings intended as permanent housing for the military by a specially established FKW. A fundamental role in the structure of its financing (as non-returnable income) was played by the accommodation tax. However, it covered the same premises and the same people who were already burdened with the municipal tax on premises and the state tax on premises. The situation in which the same premises and the same individuals were burdened, according to the same rules, with three taxes (in the total amount of up to 15% of rent), changed on 2 August 1926 with the enactment of the Act on the tax on premises, which replaced the previous ones and the new tax was to be collected starting from 1 August 1926, also for the purposes of the FKW (a total of 114,174,379 Polish zlotys was paid to the FKW account by the end of 1938). This solution, combined with the authorisation of the FKW to take out (with the guarantee of the Government) a loan of up to 140 million zlotys, allowed the FKW to pursue a quite broad construction activity, which resulted (in the period 1927–1937) in 7,334 dwellings for officers and married non-commissioned officers (in 1938 a total of 1,577 dwellings were under construction). ; Inicjatywa odnośnie do utworzenia Funduszu Kwaterunku Wojskowego (FKW) narodziła się w 1925 r. w Senacie, który rozpatrując uchwalony przez Sejm projekt ustawy o zakwaterowaniu wojska w czasie pokoju, sprzeciwił się przewidzianej przezeń (i wywołującej niepokoje społeczne) możliwości zajmowania (za wynagrodzeniem) pomieszczeń prywatnych na kwatery stałe dla oficerów i żonatych podoficerów zawodowych w sytuacji, gdy inne (wskazane w ustawie) sposoby pozyskania pomieszczeń na ten cel nie przyniosły oczekiwanych rezultatów. Senat opowiedział się za wznoszeniem, utrzymaniem i konserwacją budynków mieszkalnych przeznaczonych na kwatery stałe dla wojska przez specjalnie utworzony w tym celu FKW. W strukturze jego dochodów zasadniczą rolę (wśród dochodów bezzwrotnych) odgrywał podatek kwaterunkowy. Podlegały mu jednak te same lokale i te same osoby, które już były obciążone komunalnym podatkiem od lokali oraz państwowym podatkiem od lokali. Sytuacja, w której te same lokale i te same osoby obciążone były, według tych samych zasad, trzema podatkami (w łącznej wysokości do 15% komornego), zmieniła się wraz z uchwaleniem w dniu 2 sierpnia 1926 r. ustawy o podatku od lokali, który (zastępując dotychczasowe) miał być pobierany od 1 sierpnia 1926 r., m.in. na rzecz FKW (do końca 1938 r. na konto FKW wpłynęło 114 174 379 zł). Rozwiązanie to, w połączeniu z upoważnieniem FKW do zaciągnięcia (za poręką Rządu) pożyczki do wysokości 140 mln zł, pozwoliło FKW rozwinąć stosunkowo szeroko zakrojoną działalność budowlaną, która zaowocowała (w latach 1927–1937) 7334 mieszkaniami dla oficerów i żonatych podoficerów (w 1938 r. pozostawało w budowie 1577 mieszkań).
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The aim of the study is a comparison of re-privatization policy pursued in Poland and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with particular emphasis on the former GDR. Poland has chosen a completely different approach to this issue from that of the Germans. Despite the claims of former owners concerned, in almost 2/3 of the former GDR territory, the German legislature quickly and decisively resolved these issues, so that they do not impinge on the current social and economic life of Germany. Poland however, after two decades of transformation, has still not developed a clear position on this issue, while successive legislation projects end in failure or are postponed indefinitely. This practice leads to doubt as to whether our country can be regarded as fully integrated with the West in terms of compliance with standards of the modern state, which resolves sensitive issues and seeks to eliminate hot spots in contacts with foreign countries (e.g. the return of former Jewish property). Reprivatization is important for several reasons, of both legal and economic nature. Lack of a solution raises a sense of injustice among former owners, generates numerous conflicts on the citizen-state line, and calls into question the constitutionally guaranteed protection of property rights in Poland. On the other hand, a thankless objective of an economist is to assess the economic aspects of a possible compensation program – could Poland afford it? What would be the costs of abandonment of any action? In the first part of the study the regulations on property restitution in the former Eastern bloc countries are shortly discussed. Then attention is paid to the legal and economic conditions of the property restitution process in Poland. The article ends with conclusions. ; Cel opracowania stanowi porównanie polityki reprywatyzacyjnej prowadzonej w Polsce i w innych krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem byłej NRD. W Polsce zaobserwować można zupełnie odmienne podejście do tej problematyki niż u naszych zachodnich sąsiadów. Pomimo, że roszczenia dawnych właścicieli dotyczyły niemal 2/3 terytorium byłej NRD, niemiecki ustawodawca szybko i zdecydowanie rozwiązał te kwestie, dzięki czemu nie rzutują one na obecne życie społeczne i gospodarcze RFN. Polska natomiast po dwóch dekadach transformacji wciąż nie wypracowała jasnego stanowiska w tej sprawie, zaś kolejne rządy podejmują bezskuteczne próby regulacji lub odsuwają problem w bliżej nieokreśloną przyszłość. Taka praktyka każe wątpić, czy można uznać nasz kraj za w pełni zintegrowany z Zachodem, w sensie spełniania standardów nowoczesnego państwa, które rozwiązuje drażliwe sprawy i stara się likwidować punkty zapalne w kontaktach z zagranicą (np. zwrot mienia pożydowskiego). Reprywatyzacja jest istotna z kilku przynajmniej powodów o naturze zarówno prawnej, jak i ekonomicznej. Brak rozwiązania dawnych krzywd rodzi poczucie niesprawiedliwości, generuje liczne konflikty na linii obywatel-państwo i rodzi wątpliwości w gwarantowaną konstytucyjnie ochronę praw własności w naszym kraju. Z drugiej strony należy pytać o aspekty ekonomiczne ewentualnego programu odszkodowawczego – czy Polskę po prostu na to stać? Jakie są koszty zaniechania jakichkolwiek działań? W pierwszej części opracowania omówione zostaną uwarunkowania prawne i ekonomiczne procesu reprywatyzacji w Polsce. Następnie przybliżone zostaną regulacje dotyczące zwrotu majątku w wybranych krajach byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł kończą wnioski.
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