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In this study, the author analyzes the relationship between general culture & its particularistic segments within the integral political community & concludes that as long as there are citizens, there will be a conflict between the general & the singular; also, the mediation between these two categories is never final; instead, one should repeatedly define what is appropriate, right, & compulsory. This is the strength of the type of reasoning to which the schematic landmarks such as universalism & particularism are necessary only as reminders of what is missing in order to fill in the gaps. Adapted from the source document.

The author claims that Haberle's theory of the constitution is a science of culture, opposed to formalism, decisionism, positivism, & statism. It is based on the continuity & the relationship among culture-building, law, & state. The subjects of the constitution-formative authority are mutually culturally linked citizens who decide on the objectively given subject-matter & procedures. The theory of the constitution as a science of culture is based on the assumption that serious conflicts among the open societies of Western Europe are highly unlikely. This represents a significant departure from the positivist theory of the state grounded in the conflict of interests & opinions as well as the strong regulatory role of the state. The author challenges Haberle's disregard for the crisis potential of modern societies & proposes that these two opposed theories should complement each other. The author goes on to describe Haberle's research method, which includes an analysis of both the cultural context & the normative/constitutional solutions. He applies this research method to the constitutional laws of Germany, Switzerland, & Austria, & also when comparing large & small states, or developed & underdeveloped ones. Haberle espoused Taylor's definition of culture: culture & civilization are equated so that the systems of culture are on the one hand products of activity, & on the other the conditioning element of future activity. According to Haberle, the culture of a community starts from the traditional, innovative & pluralist aspects that are the orientation points for constitutional science as a science of culture. Regarding tradition, culture is mediation of things past. The innovative aspect is based on the idea that culture is a further development of things past. Since culture is not uniform, its pluralist aspect should not be forgotten. Thus the citizens of a democratic constitutional state make up the cultural/anthropological premise, while the state is only one aspect of the constituted res publica. The constitutional state today goes beyond the scope of the national state since the regional European constitutional state has been evolving together with the outlines of "the world community of constitutional states.". 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cjelokupno predratno, ratno i poratno vrijeme obilovalo je mnoštvom rasprava, veoma različitih promišljanja i brojnih prijedloga različitih uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine, i pronalaženjem onoga što bi osiguralo njezinu opstojnost, cjelovitost, samo-održivost i učinkovitu funkcionalnost te zadovoljstvo, jednakopravnost i miran suživot tri konstitutivna naroda, nacionalnih manjina i svih njezinih građana. Na tom pitanju sukobljavali su se različiti domaći i međunarodni interesi i ogledala pera mnogih uglednih stručnjaka iz zemlje i svijeta. Ipak, rješenje koje bi zadovoljilo sve, a osobito tri etno-nacionalne politike i politiku međunarodne zajednice, do danas nije pronađeno. Daytonsko rješenje i po njegovoj konstrukciji, a i dvadesetdvogodišnjoj primjeni, nije se pokazalo zadovoljavajućim i konačnim. Naprotiv, država opstaje kao polu-protektorat pod nadzorom i upravom međunarodne zajednice i njezina visokog predstavnika, ali se nalazi u krizi koja se od jednog do drugog događaja povremeno povećava ili smanjuje. I, permanentno traje. Očito je svima jasno da ovakav njezin ekscentričan i neučinkovit ustavno-pravni i administrativno-teritorijalni ustroj nikoga ne zadovoljava, niti jamči miran, siguran i izvjestan europski put. Preustroj države BiH zato je nasušna potreba i svojevrsna nužnost, jer ovako ustrojena i konfliktima bremenita država nije za Europu. Nakon višegodišnjih vlastitih znanstvenih proučavanja, javno testiranih u velikom broju referata na domaćim i međunarodnim skupovima, obznanjenim znanstvenim člancima u brojnim časopisima, objavljenih pet knjiga o Bosni i Hercegovini te drugih javnih istupa, autor je došao do vlastitoga uvjerenja da se do zajedničkoga rješenja može doći samo međusobnim otvorenim dijalogom, uz posredovanje i medijatorsku ulogu međunarodne zajednice i njezinih stručnjaka, te da bi najbolje rješenje za otvoreno "hrvatsko pitanje", ali ujedno najpovoljnije kompromisno rješenje za sve bilo - federativna država Bosna i Hercegovina s tri republike i tri razine lokalne samouprave. Alternativa je životarenje u postojećem, totalni protektorat, ili raspad države s obveznim i neizbježnim međusobno trajnim sukobljavanjem. Kao osoba koja je proživjela dva rata i kao znanstvenik s preko četrdeset godina iskustva, autor u radu ukazuje na ključne uzroke kriznoga stanja, moguće katastrofalne posljedice zadržavanja postojećeg, upitnost uspješnosti europskoga puta i sigurnost europske perspektive države, njezinih naroda i građana. ; The pre-war time in Bosnia and Herzegovina, just like the war and post-war time were abundant with debates, different views and numerous proposals for the state structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was supposed to secure the country's survival, integrity, self-sustainability and efficient functioning, as well as peaceful co-existence of the three constitutive nations, national minorities and all the citizens. Various local and international interests were conflicting in the debates. However, no matter how many prominent local and international experts gave their contribution, a win-win solution has not been found yet, the one which would be satisfying for everyone, especially for the three ethnical national policies and the policy of the international community. Today, after twenty-two years of applying the Dayton solution, it is obvious that it is not satisfactory and may not be considered final indeed. On the contrary, with this solution, the country has been functioning as a half-protectorate, under supervision and management of the international community and the High Representative, appointed by the international community, however in a permanent, deeper or somewhat less deep crisis, but always in crisis. Obviously, this eccentric and entirely inefficient constitutional-legal and administrative-territorial structure is not satisfying for anyone, neither it may lead the country onto a peaceful, safe and certain accession path to Europe. Therefore, reorganisation of the state is an absolute must and also a duty, because the country with such state structure and torn with conflicts is not suitable for Europe. After years of scientific researches, participation in numerous local and international scientific conferences, numerous published articles, five published books on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author came to a conclusion that the best solution for all involved parties may be found only through an open dialogue, with support and mediation of the international community and its experts. The best solution for the open "Croat issue", but also the best compromise solution for everyone would be a federative state of Bosnia and Herzegovina with three republics and three levels of local self-government. The only two alternatives to this solution are either to merely vegetate in the current situation, resp. to keep the full protectorate or the dissolution of the state, which necessarily involves permanent conflicts. The author, who survived two wars and has more than forty years of experience in scientific work, points out to main causes of the actual crisis, potential disastrous consequences of keeping the status quo, disputability of the success of the accession path to Europe and security of the perspective of a European state and its nations and citizens.