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The author deals with the issue of just conflict resolution. The first part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the importance of resolving social & political conflicts in every community. It also tackles the two views -- monistic & pluralistic -- of the very nature of conflict. The second part looks into the three levels of conflict -- the conflict concerning the way of life & the concept of the good, the conflict regarding the manner in which we want to accomplish universally accepted goals &, finally, the conflict surrounding the fundamental principals of justice. In the last part the author analyzes the methods we can adopt in conflict resolution & discusses which of those approaches is most righteous from the point of view of pluralism. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

The author analyzes the causes of the break-up of Yugoslavia & shows that the main cause was the expansion of the Greater-Serbia idea, but was also contributed to by a number of internal problems & changes in the international scene. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, a number of processes are still active & generating conflict: the goal of Serbian expansionists to create a Greater Serbia; the lack of a solution to the Bosnian conflict; the Albanian desire for an independent Kosovo state; Muslim aims of autonomy in Sandjak; a growing sovereignty movement in Montenegro; & continuing Serbian pressure on Macedonia. The author concludes that decisive international intervention is necessary to prevent deepened conflict & its spread to neighboring countries. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives an account of the evolution of the theories of institutional design or constitutional engineering in political science in the last twenty years. This is a special branch of political science that looks into how political institutions may serve as the means of conflict management in divided societies & whether they may be constructed in such a way as to contribute to the conflict resolution, democratization & the democratic stability of societies in general. Their rise was theoretically enabled by new institutionalism & historically by the third wave of democratization of autocratic political regimes since the 1970s & particularly since the 1990s. Using several seminal works to illustrate her point, the author shows how the theories of institutional design overlap with the theories of democratic transformation, consociational democracy, liberal democracy, & others. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author considers Croatia's priority in foreign affairs to be the establishment of peace & reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. The international community lent its support to solving Croatia's problems only with certain conditions attached: respect for human & democratic rights, especially the rights of minorities; & respect for the integrity of other countries. The basic problem faced by the international community is that since the end of the East-West polar orientations, there is no concept for solving the conflicts that have erupted in postcommunist countries. In Croatia, the war was viewed (wrongly) as a civil war. The controversy in the Croatian policy, as seen by the author, is in the requirement for absolute adherence to democratic principles, which is difficult to realize in times of war, & in the acceptance of complete democracy as a precondition to peaceful reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. Adapted from the source document.

The Sarajevo Convention, at which the Sarajevo Declaration & the Pact on Stability were adopted, represents a finale to the ten-year conflict in the Balkan region. The most important elements in the dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's Southeast have been the Brussels study by the Center for Political Analyses, the German "new politics," & US support. The analyses of the goals & mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors -- states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, & individuals -- are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views, & projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeanization of Southeast Europe is going to be a lengthy & complex process, & the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. Adapted from the source document.

The author suggests that the Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly America's) strategic interests, both regional & global. Numerous political constellations that have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained away if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia & Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the Western interest sphere & the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In southeastern Europe, Russia has proved to be America's sole strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike on its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia & Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment, which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights, & multiculturalism. The author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West, which would enable it to accomplish its national interests. Adapted from the source document.

Ethnic minorities & minorities-related conflicts have always been one of the most important security issues for the international community. The durability of ethnic conflicts in certain regions & the difficulties in their resolution, have resulted in the outbreak of many armed conflicts, the collapse of multi-ethnic states, the changes of borders & of demographic relations. Despite the increasing number of security challenges & needs, it is still not possible to talk about a certain uniform & universally accepted model of solving the problems among ethnic minorities. It is obvious that in the post-Cold War period this is going to be an increasingly pressing need of international community. The paper deals with most basic security problems that are caused by the unsettled relationships between ethnic minorities & majority; it also covers the policies of their resolution. By analyzing the model of resolving ethnic conflicts in South Tyrol, two groups of ethnic conflicts' resolution policies are looked into: the policy of the elimination of differences & the policy of managing differences. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

In every country, the WTO rules should be viewed from two perspectives: (1) They are used to facilitate access to other countries' markets. (2) The mechanisms for the protection of a country's economy (which make up the bulk of the WTO regulations) are used for the justified & unjustified protection of a country's economy. The author analyzes GATT's basic norms & the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, with focus on the sector-accommodation policy, using financial services as an illustration. The creation of the WTO disposed of some shortcomings noticeable in GATT, eg, the temporary character of the regulations, the stable & predictable set of obstacles at the borders, & the objective procedures for dispute resolution. To implement the Uruguay session, which includes the GATT, all WTO member states are obliged to adopt its multilateral discipline & rules & bring their national regulations in line with the accepted obligations. The author concludes that the outcomes of the Uruguay session enhanced the role of world trade as a dynamizing factor of the growth of the world economy. 1 Table, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo has had direct repercussions for Balkan security over the last 150 years. The international community would occasionally pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian & the Albanian side put in a lot of effort toward the resolution of the conflict & came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of the cantonization & refederalization of SR Yugoslavia, to the independence of Kosovo, or to its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict & the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed, & the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time the situation will require much more good will & willingness to make compromises, on both the Albanian & Serbian sides, as well as considerable support by international community. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.