The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie roli i miejsca prewencji kryzysowej, przezwyciężania konfliktów oraz stabilizacji pokonfliktowej w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Niemiec w XXI w. Tekst składa się z trzech części, w których skoncentrowano się na: ogólnych przesłankach działania Niemiec na rzecz prewencji kryzysowej oraz przezwyciężania konfliktów w XXI w.; zmianach w koordynacji działań dotyczących prewencji kryzysowej, przezwyciężenia konfliktów oraz konsolidacji pokonfliktowej w polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Niemiec od połowy drugiej dekady XXI w.; zaangażowaniu Niemiec w zakresie prewencji kryzysowej i rozwiązywania konfliktów na wybranych przykładach stabilizacji obszarów pokonfliktowych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Syrii. Przedstawione działania wiążą się także z szerszym zagadnieniem – koniecznością rozwiązania problemu masowego napływu "nielegalnych uchodźców" z Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu oraz Afryki do Niemiec i innych państw UE. ; The author's goal is to present the role and place of crisis prevention, overcoming conflicts and post-conflict stabilization in Germany's foreign and security policy in the 21st century. The article consists of three parts focused on the following areas: some general causes of Germany's actions for crisis prevention and overcoming conflicts in the 21st century; changes in the area of action coordination regarding crisis prevention, overcoming conflicts and post-conflict consolidation in Germany's foreign and security policy since the half of the second decade of the 21st century; Germany's involvement in the field of crisis prevention and conflicts resolution, particularly in the selected examples of the stabilization of post-conflict areas, especially including Syria. The above-mentioned actions involve the wider issue of the necessity of searching a long-term solution of the mass inflow of "illegal refugees" from the Middle East and Africa to Germany and other EU countries.
ADR (Alternative Dispute Resolution), as a non-judicial resolution of disputes, is a wide range of mechanisms that aim to put an end to a conflict without the need of conducting a trial before the court. On the other hand, the modern form of ADR is ODR (Online Dispute Resolution) – an online dispute resolution system that is the expression of the newest means of communication and technical innovations in order to help in non-judicial dispute resolving. The goal of this publication is to present the ODR platform and, in particular, to describe the process of filing a complaint by the consumer by means of it. ; ADR (Alternative Dispute Resolution), as a non-judicial resolution of disputes, is a wide range of mechanisms that aim to put an end to a conflict without the need of conducting a trial before the court. On the other hand, the modern form of ADR is ODR (Online Dispute Resolution) – an online dispute resolution system that is the expression of the newest means of communication and technical innovations in order to help in non-judicial dispute resolving. The goal of this publication is to present the ODR platform and, in particular, to describe the process of filing a complaint by the consumer by means of it.
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest nakreślenie specyfiki gospodarczych sporów transgranicznych oraz zaprezentowanie mediacji jako metody ich rozwiązywania, alternatywnej wobec sądów powszechnych, dającej zwaśnionym stronom możliwość zarówno ich szybszego i mniej kosztownego zakończenia, jak i kontynuowania relacji gospodarczych oraz rozwijania dalszej współpracy pomiędzy przedsiębiorcami. W pierwszym kroku określone zostaną cechy konstytutywne mediacji oraz specyfika mediacji transgranicznej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aspektów interkulturowych. W tym kontekście przedstawione zostaną specyficzne kompetencje mediatora, niezbędne do skutecznego przeprowadzenia postępowania mediacyjnego w tego typu konfliktach oraz podstawy prawne zastosowania mediacji w odniesieniu do sporów pomiędzy podmiotami z Polski i Niemiec. Omówione zostaną zarówno regulacje prawa polskiego i niemieckiego dotyczące mediacji, jak i ramy i uwarunkowania instytucjonalno-prawne postępowania mediacyjnego w UE w zakresie sporów gospodarczych o charakterze transgranicznym. Ponadto analizie poddane zostaną dane empiryczne dotyczące zakresu upowszechnienia mediacji w obu krajach, stosunku polskich i niemieckich przedsiębiorców do mediacji jako metody rozwiązywania sporów gospodarczych pomiędzy podmiotami z obu krajów oraz trudności w jej zastosowaniu wynikające z różnic kulturowych. ; This paper aims to outline the specificities of cross-border economic disputes and to present mediation as a means of solving them as an alternative to common courts, giving the parties the opportunity to settle their dispute faster and cheaper. Mediation also allows the involved parties to continue their economic relation and further develop their co-operation. In a first step the constitutive characteristics of mediation are determined and the specificity of cross-border mediation with particular emphasis onintercultural aspects is explained. In this context, the paper presents specific mediator competences necessary for effective mediation proceedings. Furthermore the legal basis for applying mediation to disputes between Polish and German entities will be described followed by the discussion of applicable regulation in both countries as well as the institutional and legal framework for mediation proceedings in the EU on cross-border economic disputes. In addition, empirical data on the scope of dissemination of mediation in both countries, the attitude of Polish and German entrepreneurs towards mediation and the difficulties of applying it due to cultural differences will be analyzed. The conclusions of the above analysis will be presented in the final section of the paper, which will provide a model of the Polish-German mediation center which aims, besides broad information activities, to create a network of professional intercultural mediators and to promote mediation as an alternative method of conflict resolution between Polish and German business entities.
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest nakreślenie specyfiki gospodarczych sporów transgranicznych oraz zaprezentowanie mediacji jako metody ich rozwiązywania, alternatywnej wobec sądów powszechnych, dającej zwaśnionym stronom możliwość zarówno ich szybszego i mniej kosztownego zakończenia, jak i kontynuowania relacji gospodarczych oraz rozwijania dalszej współpracy pomiędzy przedsiębiorcami. W pierwszym kroku określone zostaną cechy konstytutywne mediacji oraz specyfika mediacji transgranicznej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aspektów interkulturowych. W tym kontekście przedstawione zostaną specyficzne kompetencje mediatora, niezbędne do skutecznego przeprowadzenia postępowania mediacyjnego w tego typu konfliktach oraz podstawy prawne zastosowania mediacji w odniesieniu do sporów pomiędzy podmiotami z Polski i Niemiec. Omówione zostaną zarówno regulacje prawa polskiego i niemieckiego dotyczące mediacji, jak i ramy i uwarunkowania instytucjonalno-prawne postępowania mediacyjnego w UE w zakresie sporów gospodarczych o charakterze transgranicznym. Ponadto analizie poddane zostaną dane empiryczne dotyczące zakresu upowszechnienia mediacji w obu krajach, stosunku polskich i niemieckich przedsiębiorców do mediacji jako metody rozwiązywania sporów gospodarczych pomiędzy podmiotami z obu krajów oraz trudności w jej zastosowaniu wynikające z różnic kulturowych. ; This paper aims to outline the specificities of cross-border economic disputes and to present mediation as a means of solving them as an alternative to common courts, giving the parties the opportunity to settle their dispute faster and cheaper. Mediation also allows the involved parties to continue their economic relation and further develop their co-operation. In a first step the constitutive characteristics of mediation are determined and the specificity of cross-border mediation with particular emphasis on intercultural aspects is explained. In this context, the paper presents specific mediator competences necessary for effective mediation proceedings. Furthermore the legal basis for applying mediation to disputes between Polish and German entities will be described followed by the discussion of applicable regulation in both countries as well as the institutional and legal framework for mediation proceedings in the EU on cross-border economic disputes. In addition, empirical data on the scope of dissemination of mediation in both countries, the attitude of Polish and German entrepreneurs towards mediation and the difficulties of applying it due to cultural differences will be analyzed. The conclusions of the above analysis will be presented in the final section of the paper, which will provide a model of the Polish-German mediation center which aims, besides broad information activities, to create a network of professional intercultural mediators and to promote mediation as an alternative method of conflict resolution between Polish and German business entities. ; nr 2/2017 ; 79 ; 98 ; Przegląd Politologiczny
Mediation is one of the alternative dispute resolutions. The aim of the article is to present research results conducted on 100 respondents. The survey concerned the awareness of society and their knowledge about mediation. It will allow to compare results with the actual mediation's exploitation in conflict situations. The author points to frequency of using mediation in Poland and abroad. The article also presents the advantages of mediation and society apprehensions in proportion to the exploitation of this method as a struggle with conflict. ; Mediacja jest jednym z alternatywnych sposobów rozwiązywania sporów. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników badań przeprowadzonych na 100 osobach ankietowanych. Ankieta dotyczyła świadomości społeczeństwa i jego wiedzy na temat mediacji. Pozwoliło to na porównanie wyników z rzeczywistym wykorzystywaniem mediacji w sytuacjach konfliktowych. Autorka wskazuje na częstość stosowania mediacji w Polsce i za granicą. Opracowanie przedstawia także zalety mediacji oraz obawy społeczeństwa w stosunku do wykorzystywania tej metody jako walki z konfliktem.
The paper analyzes the benefits of using family mediation as an alternative method of family conflict resolution and problems encountered when introducing it into the social life in modern societies. The analysis shows that the development of family mediation in Poland resembles that of other European states. In Poland, as in other European countries, family mediation was first "discovered" by the professionals dealing with family conflicts, then it was given a proper legal status and became included in the civil codes. The next phase was a protracted process of accepting the method of mediation by lawyers, conflicted parties, and other professionals who would be in the position to support the growth of family mediation. While analyzing the benefits of family mediation, a state of art type of study was done on the effectiveness of the mediation process and the clients' satisfaction indicating the short and long term advantages of family mediation. The paper proves no linear relationship between the effectiveness of the mediation procedures and the acceptance of this method in the court practice and in the society. Why people do not choose mediation despite its logical advantages over the adversarial court process? Trying to answer this question an analysis of potential sources of resistance to mediation is presented together with the relevant concepts of the moral resistance and the public resistance. These two concepts help us understand why do parties in conflict prefer adversarial court proceedings with the "winner" and "looser" over peaceful resolutions offered by mediation, enabling agreement and "keeping the face".
The starting point of these considerations is the characteristics of the problem of "uncertain democracy" in the perspective of the Polish intellectual Leszek Kołakowski. After World War II, Europe revised its heritage which resulted in the rise of two totalitarianisms. The road to unification weakened particular national interests in favour of a guarantee of peace and the best possible democratic forms of conflict resolution. Despite this, democracy is currently in crisis. The uncertainty of the democratic era focuses on three problems: How to reconcile the diversity of national interests with the attempt to unify the rule of law in European countries? How does cultural relativism influence indifference to the atrocities of the world? How is a democratic Europe to protect itself from the undemocratic ideologies that are entering it? All three areas focus on the self‑degeneration that democracy is struggling with and its weakening in the face of the reemergence of radical forms of thinking, ideologies and worldviews that were to be the panacea after the tragedy of the war.
The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community. ; The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community.
The CSCE Final Act, signed in Helsinki in 1975, opened a new chapter in the search for the optimal security system in the Euro-Atlantic area, stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok. It established a cooperative security system introducing a supra-bloc negotiation mechanism of political and economic cooperation, as well cooperation in such humanitarian fields as culture, education, exchange of information and interpersonal contacts. After the Cold War, CSCE organs were created and equipped with new competences in the field of preventive diplomacy and conflict resolution, but the evolution of the international order in Europe meant that, contrary to the original intention of the CSCE (renamed at the beginning of 1995 as the OSCE), it has not become the central institution of European security. As a result of the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the European Union, the principle of equal security for all participating states was abandoned. The OSCE remained a secondary institution specialising in what is called the soft aspects of security. The Ukrainian crisis, which broke out in the autumn of 2013, accompanied by other challenges and threats to security originating in other regions showed the need to revitalise the OSCE and create a Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian security community.
The article discusses the problem of procedures and specific features of functioning of a modern democratic state, as well as threats resulting from weaknesses of democracy despite existence of mechanisms protecting it from abuse. This problem is analysed on the example of the ongoing political conflict about the Constitutional Tribunal: an institution of constitutionally guaranteed independence. This conflict reveals that in Poland a need for discussion and perhaps for verification of the current philosophy and practice of democracy, has arisen. Furthermore, it demonstrates that law and the rule of law are neither sufficient guarantors of a democratic system's stability, nor guardians of civil rights and freedoms. A weakness of the democratic system lies in the fact that in the name of correctly understood democratic principles it is possible to distort the system through enacting wrong laws. Even though the acts of democracy participants, mainly decision-makers, are lege artis, they lead to impairment of democracy. Without doubt, a democratically organized society is an autonomous community and polyarchy which has adopted a democratic system of government as a form of its organization. On the other hand, democracies are highly conflict-prone systems, for example, due to the fact that they are based on the principle that all views and all participants of democracy are equal. As a consequence, such logic leads directly to emergence of disagreements, conflicts and even fights among democracy participants. This feature of democracy has enforced the establishment of appropriate procedures of conflict solving so that to ensure a possibly optimal resolution of crisis situations which could ultimately cause even a collapse of the democratic system. Thus, a simple mathematical rule has been adopted, albeit secondary in relation to any other methods of conflict solving, that is the majority principle. This is a standard of the democratic conduct without which the rule of majority would not be possible. The Constitutional Tribunal has recently become the object of popular interest – one of the many institutions of a democratic state which has not aroused so much factual and political dispute ever before. The conflict over the Tribunal has basically the formal and legal character, this is a technical dispute whose solution should be dictated by binding regulations and developed by experts in law. However, this is not the case. This conflict has turned into an argument of a political character, so it has become a genuine clash of interests, additionally aggravated by values. Moreover, it has stirred up the society and the environment of lawyers. When a political conflict, as one of the conflict types, is analysed, it is defined as a disagreement over power, whose participants are these individuals, groups, institutions and organizations which have a direct impact on politics or influence it through political channels. The practice of democratic states of the Western world does not prescribe a way at the beginning of which there is a sign "the winner takes it all". This practice is corroborated by philosophy and theory of democracy, as well as by several hundred years of achievements including such principles as Montesquieu's tripartite system of the separation of powers or the contemporary definition of democracy which describes it as a rule of majority that guarantees rights to minorities. ; Artykuł porusza problem procedur i specyfiki funkcjonowania nowoczesnego państwa demokratycznego oraz zagrożeń wynikających ze słabości demokracji mimo istnienia mechanizmów zabezpieczających ją przed nadużyciami. Problem ten jest rozpatrywany na przykładzie toczącego się konfliktu politycznego o Trybunał Konstytucyjny, instytucję o gwarantowanej konstytucyjnie niezależności. Konflikt ten pokazał, że w Polsce pojawiła się konieczność dyskusji i być może weryfikacji dotychczasowej filozofii i praktyki demokratycznej. Również to, że prawo i rządy prawa nie są wystarczającymi gwarantami stabilności ustroju demokratycznego, tym bardziej strażnikami praw i wolności obywatelskich. Ułomność systemu demokratycznego polega na tym, iż w imię właściwie pojętych zasad demokratycznych możliwe jest wypaczanie systemu przez tworzenie złego prawa. Działania uczestników demokracji, głównie decydentów, są lege artis, ale prowadzą do jej osłabiania. Demokratycznie urządzone społeczeństwo jest bez wątpienia autonomiczną wspólnotą i poliarchią, a przyjęło jako formę swojej organizacji demokratyczny system rządów. Demokracje są natomiast systemami wybitnie konfliktogennymi, choćby z tego powodu iż opierają się na zasadzie równości wszystkich poglądów i wszystkich podmiotów biorących udział w demokracji. Taka logika prowadzi w prostej konsekwencji do pojawienia się niezgodności i konfliktów, a nawet walk pomiędzy uczestnikami demokracji. Ta właściwość demokracji wymusiła stworzenie odpowiednich procedur rozstrzygania konfliktów, by zagwarantować w miarę optymalne wychodzenie z sytuacji kryzysowych, mogących w ostateczności doprowadzić nawet do upadku systemu demokratycznego. Przyjęto zatem prostą zasadę matematyczną, co prawda wtórną wobec wszystkich innych sposobów rozwiązywania konfliktów – zasadę większości. Jest ona regułą demokratycznej gry, bez której nie mogłyby istnieć rządy większości. Przedmiotem społecznego zainteresowania stał się ostatnio Trybunał Konstytucyjny, jedna z wielu instytucji demokratycznego państwa, która dotychczas nie wywoływała aż takich sporów merytorycznych i politycznych. Konflikt o Trybunał ma przede wszystkim charakter formalno-prawny, jest to techniczny spór, którego rozwiązanie powinno być podyktowane przez obwiązujące prawo, a jego rozstrzyganiem powinni się zająć eksperci z dziedziny prawa. Tak jednak nie jest. Konflikt ten przerodził się w konflikt o charakterze politycznym, stał się więc rzeczywistym konfliktem interesów, uzupełnionym dodatkowo o wartości. Zaktywizował ponadto społeczeństwo oraz środowisko prawnicze. Gdy rozważa się jeden z typów konfliktów, mianowicie polityczny, definiuje się go jako taki, którego przedmiotem jest władza, a podmiotami biorącymi w nim udział są te jednostki, grupy, instytucje, organizacje, które bezpośrednio mają wpływ na politykę lub oddziałują na nią za pośrednictwem kanałów politycznych. Praktyka demokratycznych państw świata zachodniego nie wskazuje drogi, na początku której stoi znak "zwycięzca bierze wszystko". Praktykę tę wyznacza filozofia i teoria demokracji oraz kilkusetletni dorobek z takimi dogmatami, jak choćby monteskiuszowski trójpodział władz czy współczesna definicja demokracji, według której są to rządy większości gwarantujące prawa mniejszościom.
The "Revolution of Dignity" has led to the pre-term presidential and parliamentary elections. The article analyzes parliamentary election process and coalition policy of parliamentarian groups. As a result of the campaign, a bipolar model of competition has been shaped (Maidan – Anti-Maidan), while each of them has radical and moderate divisions. Analysis of election programs has shown that in most cases there are national security issues in the first place, including resistance to Russian aggression and conflict resolution. The most important demands included the issue of decentralization, fight against corruption, tax and justice reforms. As a result of the elections, a broad coalition "European Ukraine" has been set with the participation of five political parties related to Maidan. ; Rewolucja Godności doprowadziła do przedterminowych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. W niniejszym artykule analizie poddano proces elekcji parlamentarnej oraz polityki koalicyjnej ugrupowań parlamentarnych. W wyniku kampanii ukształtował się dwubiegunowy model rywalizacji (Majdan – anty-Majdan), natomiast w obydwu nurtach zarysował się wyraźny podział na ugrupowania radykalne i umiarkowane. Analiza programów wyborczych wykazała, że w większości wypadków na pierwszym miejscu znalazły się kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa, w tym przeciwstawienie się rosyjskiej agresji i rozwiązanie konfliktu. Do najważniejszych postulatów należały także kwestie decentralizacji, walki z korupcją, reformy systemu podatkowego i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wyniku wyborów powstała szeroka koalicja "Europejska Ukraina" z udziałem pięciu partii politycznych związanych z Majdanem.
The article presents mediation as the basic method of alternative dispute resolution (the so-called ADR), used to resolve conflicts in administrative and judicial-administrative proceedings, and analyses legal regulations regarding mediation in administrative and court-administrative cases. The summary draws attention to the similarities and differences between administrative mediation and court-administrative mediation. ; The article presents mediation as the basic method of alternative dispute resolution (the so-called ADR), used to resolve conflicts in administrative and judicial-administrative proceedings, and analyses legal regulations regarding mediation in administrative and court-administrative cases. The summary draws attention to the similarities and differences between administrative mediation and court-administrative mediation.
The validity of mediation in the dispute promoted in the mass media as an example of government awareness campaign: You have the right to mediationAlternative dispute resolution (ADR) are becoming increasingly popular. One of the methods of ADR are mediations. They consist in making an attempt to reach a settlement or a mutually satisfactory resolution of a conflict through mediation – a third party, which is neutral towards all parties and subject of the conflict, designed to help work out a compromise. The survey conducted by the Ministry of Justice proved that mediation is not very well known by the Poles. The main reason for the lack of interest in this method of dispute resolution is insufficient knowledge among justice practitioners and the general public. In the absence of sufficient knowledge, lack of social acceptance for the extra-judicial settlement of disputes is also apparent. The Ministry of Justice decided to change this state in the government of PO in late 2011 and 2012, emphasizing the importance of this problem with a national, educational and informational social campaign, which circulated in the mass media and was entitled: You have the right to mediation.